96 25 7753 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/e71e2f77ee0a1bf442bd0c3a2e915e45.tif d3deef777fd26c9053539a23df2fe259 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Gym Annex Protest: Protesters heading up hill by Taylor Hall Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1977-09-24 Description Gym Annex Protest: Crowd of protesters on hill by Taylor Hall. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. print Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/deborah-andersen-photographs-and-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Subcollection Location Box 188 May 4 Author Andersen, Deborah Location Record the geographical location depicted or shown in this item. Kent State University. Taylor Hall May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Demonstrations Tent City May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/706bd7fb74867db61e6be8ce38ce417d.tif b84760bae03b23a6965ebbbc07a74d33 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Gym Annex Protest: Protesters gathered on hill by Taylor Hall Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1977-09-24 Description Gym Annex Protest: Crowd of protesters on hill by Taylor Hall. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. print Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/deborah-andersen-photographs-and-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Subcollection Location Box 188 May 4 Author Andersen, Deborah Location Record the geographical location depicted or shown in this item. Kent State University. Taylor Hall May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Demonstrations Tent City May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ed0a42370a687cba7050aaf7db9cd303.tif 0b3a8aca433eb8456dd655230d410bd2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Gym Annex Protest: Protesters at Risman Plaza by Library and fountain Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1977-09-24 Description Gym Annex Protest: Protesters at Risman Plaza with view of Library and fountain. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. print Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/deborah-andersen-photographs-and-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Subcollection Location Box 188 May 4 Author Andersen, Deborah Location Record the geographical location depicted or shown in this item. Kent State University. Risman Plaza May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Demonstrations Tent City May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/15e6295c6af14e51fcec40cdd4ecd1e6.tif 26cac62206c2d7552e07a77e7e268d00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Gym Annex Protest: Police formation on hill by Taylor Hall Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1977-10-22 Description Gym Annex Protest: Police formation on hill by Taylor Hall. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. print Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/deborah-andersen-photographs-and-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Subcollection Location Box 188 May 4 Author Andersen, Deborah Location Record the geographical location depicted or shown in this item. Kent State University. Taylor Hall May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Kent State University. Police Tent City May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0ee78f5d402fba303905d1b31b4c0f4c.tif f56a22717a8fa3e6be3c9a165f0e833b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Gym Annex Protest: Police in riot gear by Art Building Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1977-10-22 Description Gym Annex Protest: Police in riot gear by Art Building. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. print Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/deborah-andersen-photographs-and-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Subcollection Location Box 188 May 4 Author Andersen, Deborah May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Kent State University. Police Tent City May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection Location Record the geographical location depicted or shown in this item. Kent State University. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/41da877dd1b93e1bc00275a41fef9a6b.tif 6fa4c55486fd16bf09f52cfd07c4dc90 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Gym Annex Protest: Protesters marching with banner Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1977-10-22 Description Gym Annex Protest: Protesters marching with banner. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. print Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/deborah-andersen-photographs-and-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Subcollection Location Box 188 May 4 Author Andersen, Deborah May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Demonstrations Banners Tent City May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection Location Record the geographical location depicted or shown in this item. Kent State University. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/7e63dd9e661e6d6ffec97c45f8167d86.tif d29268c0c92fb88602c64dd2386e565e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Gym Annex Protest: Police guarding Gym Annex construction site Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1977-10-22 Description Gym Annex Protest: Police guarding Gym Annex construction site. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. print Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/deborah-andersen-photographs-and-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Subcollection Location Box 188 May 4 Author Andersen, Deborah May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Kent State University. Police Tent City May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection Location Record the geographical location depicted or shown in this item. Kent State University. Memorial Gym (MAC) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0da4f090e979b729b2fce02ca2680930.tif f19964967864b9745c20d1dff9aba6f0 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Gym Annex Protest: Gym Annex groundbreaking Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1977-10-22 Description Gym Annex Protest: Gym Annex groundbreaking. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. print Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/deborah-andersen-photographs-and-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Subcollection Location Box 188 May 4 Author Andersen, Deborah May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Tent City May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection Location Record the geographical location depicted or shown in this item. Kent State University. Gym Annex Building https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3510fa6fcb1255c7a49e5901ceb1a0b0.tif d0520d436ac6dd6f63b97e08874bbc6b https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3aac71b1e6054db235b0da1ee8e3d28d.tif 206ed11a762ac82bcc157783159c4bfa https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/89f5e968297d3f62f4fb4dc441545f95.tif 6887c07e175970b90e466be58ece6dce Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Baez, Joan Sr. letters to Andersen and Andersen's comments Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1977 Description Baez, Joan Sr. letters to Andersen, September 6 and November 18, 1977, and Andersen's comments. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. document Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/deborah-andersen-photographs-and-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Subcollection Location Box 188 May 4 Author Andersen, Deborah Baez, Joan Sr. May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Reactions, Responses. National Tent City May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/2b61ed2c711d80e2cf4152b56d0fd7fd.tif a7a6424760edd025678e0bad30d713af https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/7155cebe47e153cc8fda2806d8a67621.tif fc478ccfb7372d36bcab18494c66c060 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/7458b1a060713dbea470a62811ab7dfe.tif 9bc83880b8e2edb6b6e1ad689f435633 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ca94eba28ce850e60ce59fbd21cecc94.tif 2a0930f70a6bcd09f7b567ca7b3f262c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Restraining order against the student encampment Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1977-07-11 Description Restraining order against the student encampment (often referred to as "Tent City") that was the home of those protesting the Gym Annex. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. document Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/deborah-andersen-photographs-and-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Subcollection Location Box 188 May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Legal cases, Litigation, Trials Tent City May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/2ea4e3344a14d68055f3984f366a3bbd.tif 4f08a63c76528b3fbe8852f241fbbadc https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3a84af0e5ea119c7cb39d875457f969d.tif a48658af6cfe0a47a2b44464f9296ec3 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/478d958b5d929ad6be387cec9399ca68.tif 5c3669497d39e55b43cd18edfe3e3a12 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/023c2a8b538406ef6fd9ecccac3287a5.tif dcdc605b0c8c32e252fe1b8445afba9f https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/5520941015b381042cdbc8555ea0494b.tif 75f29e008caa78d0d80eb61403395df3 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/edbbd24bf5af08e5a7324a1585cc1b22.tif 3ff6bcd9bc98d22cfe9d5c8222eae858 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0836515df36acc32ba93940b4edc536d.tif 9f00e532e11bc50a2a99d82cfe9324ea https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/e8b0781d0f908dfeec243600b59f25cc.tif f8506853d519a32ea5c6fb634dec6836 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/08bc6b70f8548758cc3e23edd5d5da51.tif 95d1e814316405f405ff6c429386eb6c https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/845d7efc62395c2901fb78ae0dfba007.tif 68f79788038cc88e0a5fe21be5681d06 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1bf661e8b70adc76cc7c25a5ea2c5918.tif 12b657f27e8d74e8d5c78e64b6187130 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1030f0a1ad199f8cbb2a756c958f42d9.tif 1b3ec329a6c65501f9b2e750c77aa313 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/192a27c2b536087cf0ee5ebd40c960ae.tif c57c1fa677e4114fab833798ca5882e6 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/7da1da08d79c42943c7b6ec6c9c31071.tif 2736c8f653c5f9803a74b252005306d3 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/6028fd4197fba54e79f659db38020477.tif 4bc55ccb4da07f4598d9e38f54b291c3 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/970f518858736729b941d2960f0fed76.tif 01eb7526e3e8e1607c1fc9ef5d596bd7 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/dbaf10658b78fdf45bbc17cc974af870.tif 2396f3fbe00255fa1ad72c89f1ef1668 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/03785321742b073576723cc75db26f88.tif fe85cb81ed5d25c3e7a8432b2caa223d https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/68c716ce1e1576af25ec3cde660e3504.tif 99007adf94398b75145765adf2baf8a5 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/6b9b04da5439d009274895a7a6afc3bf.tif ec4de217eb3c2450a48ba66731c45362 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3e1adec964c186e290308bbe58f1d28d.tif 3b86b9f68cc53cfddc8313bfc61c2378 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1009be4cc9df5e0085e0453c1c5ea3d1.tif 5a3a005f748a3eb1ffeb63f7c72a0702 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/10023728df82040862ce7d36d1e45ac9.tif 046e6639052c451d27741cfdb411b1e0 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/739f72f9b0b75cfc31d7dcf07abeb93f.tif 7564048e7ff8792a415317be2d4719c8 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Commentary by Andersen regarding events of 1970-1977 Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1977-07 Description Commentary by Andersen regarding events of 1970-1977, July 1977, with February 29, 2000 addendum. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. document Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/deborah-andersen-photographs-and-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Deborah Andersen photographs and papers Subcollection Location Box 188 May 4 Author Andersen, Deborah May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Reactions, Responses. Students Demonstrations Tent City May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/000cbe4cc29b3163a5e59b40af8d3d88.tif 99ba28b2bc42ed6db08cc312c1062162 PDF Text Text Office of the Pres/dent (216) 672-2210 Kent. Ohio 44242-0001 STATE UNIVERSITY April 11, 1986 To All Registered Competitors: Enclosed is the report of the jury for the Kent State May 4 Memorial Design Competition, the list of names of the winning competitors, and reproductions of the winning design. we can report to you that the competition was conducted in a completely professional manner, in accordance with the rules. All designs were examined anonymously. All seven jurors examined all 698 design submissions individually. Ninety—five designs were selected for group discussion by the jury. From these, twenty- seven were examined further. Finally, the first three prize winners and four honorable mentions were designated. The jury worked quite close to thelnenorial site, and visited the site before and during the deliberations. The jury decision was unanimous, as was the subsequent vote of the University's Board of Trustees. The Board's vote was made on Friday, April 4. Immediately after, the results of the competition were made public at a press conference. The exhibit of the designs was then open to the public for two and one-half days. A photographic record of each design submission will be made, and kept in the University Archives. The University wishes to retain all the design submissions for further exhibits. All who participated in the competition should know that their design contributed in an important way to the jury's deliberative process. Each design possessed special attributes. Each explored an avenue of design possibility. All of that informed the jury and aided its collective judgment. The winner of the competition was originally announced as Mr. Ian Taberner of Ann Arbor, Michigan, as he was listed as the team leader of a two person team. In accordance with the rules, team leaders had to be designated for purposes of communications. Mr. Taberner misrepresented his citizenship to us, (he is a canadian citizen) and is therefore not eligible for designation as the https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/2b273424d920b7f53a87f9742980c8cd.tif 7364b6763cbf808fda7e948bb2e4f1fb PDF Text Text Page 2 April 11, 1986 winner. we only learned of this on Sunday, April 6, when Mr. Taberner called the President of the University to inform him of the misrepresentation. Therefore, Mr. Michael Gerald Fahey of New York, the other team member, has been designated the winner of the competition. we would appreciate any comments you may have regarding the conduct of this competition —- any suggestions that may improve future competitions. Thank you for your contribution to this important undertaking. Sincerely, Michael Schw tz President MS:jd enc. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c8e938b278ee8e40ba8a323d0383751f.tif ea39a1375331d76076ec9139595e3bb9 PDF Text Text COMPETITION WINNERS The jury awarded a first prize of $20,000, a second prize of $10,000, a third prize of $5,000, and four honorable mention prizes of $500 each. The first, second, and third prizes were awarded to design teams. Three of the four honorable mentions were awarded to individuals, one to a team. The winning designers represent the fields of architecture, landscape architecture, and art. They are from New York, Illinois, Massachusetts, vermont, and California. The winning designers are: FIRST PRIZE (#180) Michael Gerald Fahey, 26 (team leader) Architect Brooklyn, New York with credit to: Ten University of Michigan students and four technical assistants. SECOND PRIZE (#178) Bruno Ast, 49 (team leader) Architect Chicago, Illinois with Thomas J. Rasmussen, 26 (team member) Designer Chicago, Illinois https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/af8ce189676695180ca4afcc0e05084f.tif 3abec038411935b3e2f5d722433f383b PDF Text Text THIRD PRIZE (#682) Michael Joseph Wilkinson, 23 (team leader) Architect Chicago, Illinois with Kevin A. Kemp, 24 (team member) Architect Chicago, Illinois Scott D. Bernhard (team member) Architect Chicago, Illinois HONORABLE MENTION (#112) Gary Michael Fishbeck, 34 Landscape Architect Cambridge, Massachusetts HONORABLE MENTION (#353) Peter Lindsay Schaudt, 26 Landscape Architect Winooski, VErmont HONORABLE MENTION (#623) Jay David Kanmen, 24 Architect and Artist San Francisco, California HONORABLE MENTION ( # 152) George J. Hargreaves, 33 (team leader) Landscape Architect San Francisco, California with - Glenn Chester Allen, 34 (team member) Landscape Architect San Francisco, California Brian Costello, 26 (team member) Landscape Architect San Francisco, California Mary Margaret Jones, 29 (team member) Landscape Architect San Francisco, California https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/f969dfd28c7d8d88bd12c35365727eaf.tif 4ece85572359d6ca73f5421ef57990db PDF Text Text Katherine L. Lehmann, 26 (team member) Administrative Assistant San Francisco, California John S. Loomis, 31 (team manber) Landscape Architect San Francisco, California David Bruce Meyer, 32 (team manber) Landscape Architect San Francisco, California https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/6b15af5b4e3addae1993d1ec988bb611.tif 7daee24bea27d83e3986864479d9ec09 PDF Text Text — Huron Towers Suite 603A 2222 Fuller Road Ian Frederick Taberner Ann Arbor, Michigan 48105 Architect 313 - 769 - 8462 313 - 936 - 0208 _ , University of Michigan ; College of Architecture t t and Urban Planning 2000 Bonisteel Boulevard ‘_ , \ Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109 ' . - > > if, 313'764-1300 ‘ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ee7bd0f2e51e4286034d78f1af83ab3c.tif c1ccf652f0110e3b466de95a975de306 PDF Text Text CHARLES RUBINER 4.79 BINGHAM OFFICE PARK ARTHUR JAMES RUDINER 30400 TELEGRAPH ROAD BIRMINGHAM, MICHIGAN 4,8010 TELEPHONE (313) 540-1044. ATTORNEYS AND COUNS E LORS SAMUEL H. RUBINER 1900-1970 April 21, 1986 Paul D. Spreiregen Professional Advisor May 4th Memorial Competition Kent State University, Kent, Ohio 44242 This office has been retained by Ian Taberner in connection with the design for the Kent State University Memorial. We have been advised by our client that his Canadian citizenship precludes grant to him of the award, and he accepts that position without, however, waiving any of his rights. (This reservation of rights prevails notwithstanding his apology currently being issued.) Our client further advises us that you have indicated your intention to utilize his design without compensation, attribution or creative input. To this point we must inform you that any any attempt to so unlawfully expropriate our client's intellectual property will result in an immediate application to a Michigan court for injunctive relief and monetary damages. If, however. you are interested in purchasing such design we shall be happy to discuss the matter. cc: Dr. Michael Schwartz https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ae85ea980333e20b17144e57f844b40e.tif e2291f567beef288e4030ccef965ef04 PDF Text Text CHARLES RUBINER 479 BINGHAM OFFICE PARK ARTHUR JAMES RUBINER 30400 TELEGRAPH ROAD BIRMINGHAM, MICHIGAN 48010 ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELORS TELEPHONE (313) 540—1044, SAMUEL H. R UBINER 1900-1970 May 23, 1986 Dr. Michael Schwartz . President, Kent State University Kent, Ohio 44242 Dear Dr. Schwartz: Ian Taberner has requested that I represent him in negotiations with the University respecting compensation for the sale of the design for the Kent State May 4 Memorial. As noticed in my letter of April 21 to Paul Spreiregen, my client requires, in addition to compensation, the usual attribution and the opportunity to participate, again in the usual manner, in the creation of the memorial. I understand that in preliminary discussions with my client you indicated a desire to establish a flat fee rather than an hourly or percentage fee. This is satisfactory although the fee, without question, must bear a reasonable relation to client's skill and time involved. Reflecting the time incurred previously and prospectively in design ahd drawing development and considering client's academic and professional achievements and his standing in the professional community, I suggest a fee of $35,000 together with reimbursement for expenses of travel, etc. If this is agreeable, please advise me and I will proceed to draft an appropriate contract. At the risk of injecting a discordant note, I would be remiss in my duty to my client if I did not early take exception to what I believe to be the gratuitously slanderous references to my client in the notice to the competitors dated April 11, 1986. This is something we may have to discuss more fully at a later date. AJR/hc 15/SCHWARTZ.LET/ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/dd99cce56fdf80fd9da67946a73e379b.tif 048d4d6a79a887ceaea69db1758f2fc2 PDF Text Text VWNTTSLFKDFFNUUHBLFWSFEHQEkFﬁﬂhH<E<3ClePJL y ATTORNEYS AT LAW THOMAS EXHSHER SUITE 2550 BLYTHE D. WATTS “8884964) LOWELL L. HEINKE _ JAMES e_ WATTERSON IOO ERIEVIEW PLAZA LINN J. RANEY PATENTS ' TRADEMARKS DANIEL J. SAMMON CLEVELAND- OH'0 441144524 COPYRIGHTS KEVIN J. HEYD June 9 I 198 6 mo omen JOHN R. HLAVKA STEPHEN d. SCHULTZ I. MONICA OLSZEWSKI JEANNE E. LONGMUIR INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY LAW TELEPHONE (ZIG) 623-0775 or COUNSEL " TELEX JAMES T. HOFFMANN m / sec-447 WATTS CLV ROY F. HOLLANDER HQ 4 ? 7’ 7 q I TELEPHON—E comes (2|6) 240815: Arthur J. Rubiner, Esq. 7/ 479 Bingham Office Park at lI 96"”! // 30400 Telegraph Road 0 @5715? Birmingham, Michigan 48010 "Ir 3 ~Deaf? Mr. Rubiner: FILENO: 1450.39 I want to confirm my telephone discussions with you last week and on June 9 regarding Mr. Taberner's Kent State Memorial design. The University offered Mr. Taberner $20,000 for exclusive rights of ownership in the Memorial design, including copyright rights, the right to build the design, etc. Mr. Taberner was . to have the right to comment regarding third party consultants or specialists that the University determined necessary to realize the Memorial design, and the University also offered to pay Mr. Taberner's authorized travel expenses. We had hoped that your client would see fit to accept this proposal so that a contract could be signed by the end of this week. I suggested a meeting at the University or at my office on Thursday, June 12 in order to finalize a contract. You told me on June 9 that Mr. Taberner refused the University's offer. This is unfortunate for all concerned because the University will have to run the competition again. The University intends to file an action against Mr. Taberner for the costs of both competitions and other damages. Mr. Taberner should be advised that the cost of running the first competition exceeded $200,000. V ry truly u 7: I L well L. H LLH/vrn cc: MSchwartz https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c8e010915e1be1ecc175ef034ebabf0e.tif 6c7fa587b67bea2e99f75d297bc5b97c PDF Text Text June 24, 1986 Lowell L. Heinke, Esq. 100 Erieview Plaza Suite 2850 Cleveland, Ohio 44114-1824 Dear Mr. Heinke: Confirming our recent telephone conversation, my client, Ian Taberner, will accept your client's offer, subject to the following paragraph, to pay him $20,000.00 together with an additional sum, limited to $5,000.00, representing verified expenses. Such payments are in consideration of a complete release to the University of all rights to the Memorial Design. The basic premise of Mr. Taberner's agreement, however, does not comport with the second paragraph of your letter of June 9, wherein you refer to certain minimal collaboration by Mr. Taberner. To the contrary, however, he insists on full participation throughout design development and construction. That is not to say that he would have final choice or determination, but he does require the usual relationship between architect and client. ' If your client agrees to the foregoing please prepare a draft contract, embodying a full release except for the matters therein contained. Very truly yours, Arthur James Rubiner AJR/hc lm/ Han/c/ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/2db14b47697ef6ad5c48235bac1104f0.tif f92a5003c8ecdccb05489831a6cbd1e6 PDF Text Text CHARLES RUBINER 479 BINGHAM OFFICE PARK ARTHUR JAMES RUBINER 30400 TELEGRAPH ROAD BIRMINGHAM, MICHIGAN 48010 TELEPHONE (313) 540-1044 ATTORNEYS AND COUNS ELORS SAMUEL H. RUBINER 1900—1970 August 7, 1986 Mr. Ian Taberner Huron Towers Suite 1114B 2200 Fuller Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48105 Dear Ian: To the best of my recollection the following is the sequence of events with respect to my participation: On April 21, 1986 I wrote the initial letter to Paul Spreiregen with a copy to Dr. Schwartz. I did not receive a response to this letter although I believe you told me that you had. On May 23, 1986 I wrote Dr. Schwartz and subsequently received a telephone call from attorney Heinke. We had two or three telephone conversations resulting in a letter from him on June 9, confirming an offer to you of $20,000 and reciting that you had refused this offer. Additional telephone discussions insued culminating in what I perceived to be an agreement at the $20,000 figure plus $5,000 expenses. You and I had a number of discussions to this point and on June 24, I wrote him accepting the offer but insisting on full participation by you in design development and construction. (In law this would constitute a counter— offer.) After that letter was dispatched, but before he could have received it, I received a telephone call that the negotiations were at an end and a subsequent letter confirming this. I trust the foregoing is sufficient. If further applification is required, please do not hesitate to contact me. Best of luck for your future. Cordially, / Arthur James Rubiner AJR/hc Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Correspondence, May 4 Memorial Design Competition Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1986 Description Correspondence regarding the Kent State University May 4 Memorial Design Competition, held between 1985 and 1986. Included are letters from the Kent State University Office of the President to competitors in the design competition, and between the lawyers retained by contestant Ian Taberner and Kent State University in an attempt to negotiate an agreeable settlement. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 11 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Ian Taberner papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives-32 Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Ian Taberner papers Subcollection Location Box 89 dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Kent State University. Administrators Legal cases, Litigation, Trials Memorials May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/9e64eb1be07c830ee3a9ebae0247680d.tif eee16bd480ee37150db32201ce3cc346 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/080cdd285d93daeacc07c8a76bf3292c.tif 706ef929263d889d4746fed6a6bc4c47 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/a6b01c4bf84bd80f03f28a39ad49ef05.tif 7dc847f556157d215ea05a41702cfce9 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3f02ecbb0ec3b87033f993854f2d33cd.tif 532fbc4128d45f523f9ff06ff51999a4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Design Plans and Statement, May 4 Memorial Design Competition Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1986 Description Design plans and statement submitted by Ian Taberner to the Kent State University May 4 Memorial Design Competition, held between 1985 and 1986. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 4 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Ian Taberner papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives-32 Restrictions Entire contents of folder. Permissions Copyright Cleared (NHPRC) dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Ian Taberner papers Subcollection Location Box 89 May 4 Author Taberner, Ian dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Maps, Diagrams, Drawings Memorials May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/d43d2716105ead08324dfc1da1b2a9af.tif 3c99fb8a6824eb2835bd5ba8147a8400 PDF Text Text The Kent State University Alumni Association April, 1986 Winning design â€According to our purpose, it will be remembered in a manner that is neither heroic nor accusatory.â€ ~ President Michael Schwartz .__.__._ An entry submitted by Ian F. Taberner of Ann Arbor, Mich, and Michael G. Fahey of Brooklyn, N.Y., was selected as the winner in the national design competition for a memorial to commemorate the events leading up to and including May 4, 1970, at KSU. The winning designers also gave credit to ten University of Michigan students and four technical assistants for help with the project. Almost 700 entries were submitted in the competition that was conducted by the University. The winning entry was chosen in April by a seven- member jury. An entry submitted by two Chicago men was named the secondâ€" prize. winner. Bruno Ast, the team leader, is an architect with the firm of Ast and Dagdelen, and the other team member, Thomas l. Rasmussen, is a designer with the firm. Three Chicago architects who submit- ted an entry jointly were winners of the third prize. They are Michael J. Wilkinson, the team leader, and Kevin A. Kemp and Scott D. Bernhard. The jury also designated four other entries as honorable mention winners. No date has been set for construction to begin. According to Schwartz, it is W Â«m . Mâ€˜I.;" to the left and the Commons at the top. W â€˜ A model of the winning memorial design, above, illustrates ;/ the four circular areas and the open-air room to be cut into the hillside overlooking the Commons. Taylor Hall would be Non-Proï¬t Organization U.S. POSTAGE PAID Kent, Ohio 44240 Permit No.2 ADDRESS (â€™()RRECT|()K REUULNTEI) KSU MUMNI -S()(â€˜llli)N RENT. ()Il JJJ-ll-tltitil COMMONS VlClOHv Iv BL ANN! l Hm I ll J 4:1 â€™7â€˜ .â€™ l ' r-AGOOA l [ r . I MIMURMI niif ;'// E TAYLOR ' a " â€œIll! t v7 I _ â€˜x, :1 V â€˜s it IAL â€"7 Lâ€˜JWWWâ€œ. scutmunr. A u / I (1?:â€œ0 The photo above, by Paul Al. Frosty or the Daily Kent Stator, shows the memorial site looking along the r rest o/ the lilll touanl lat/or lla/l. chosen for memorial to events surrounding May 4 the Universityâ€™s intention to fund the memorial from private sources. â€With this announcement today Kent State University formally acknowledges its own history and its place in recent American history,â€ Schwartz said. â€The loss of four young lives, the wounding of nine other students, the psychological pain and suffering in- flicted upon countless others on the campus, in the city of Kent, and even beyond â€" all of that is remembered here today with the establishment of this commemorative memorial.â€ Schwartz concluded, â€It is a tribute to the Universityâ€™s students of today that they reminded us of the need to remember the past in order to safeguard the future. As the president of Kent State University, I am proud of their patience and persistence.â€ A statement accompanying the win- ning design declared, â€The Kent State May 4 Memorial must acknowledge the great loss and injury, a recourse for reconciliation and a hope that such a tragedy should never occur again.â€ The memorial design, according to the statement, includes areas â€sub- tracted from the earth...four circular rooms (to be) representative of Allison Krause, letfrey Miller, Sandra Scheuer, and William Schroeder. â€These sanctuaries nestled in the hillside are places for reflection and contemplation: a container, refuge, or home for spirits scattered many years ago in a parkin lot. The acts of violence are re ected in nine gashes and four wounds in the earth elements opposite the round rooms." â€Finished material textures,â€ the design statement concluded, â€would create the effect that the memorial was carved from existing rock below the grass surface with vines, greenery, and ground attempting to heal the wound. The memorial, with the ex- ception of subtle base cove lighting, would employ all natural materials.â€ A statement from the jury said that the winning entry, as well as the two other prize winners and honorable mentions, responded to the Universi- tyâ€™s decision that the memorial should â€emphasize inquiry, learning, and reflection.â€ The statement continued, â€As to the firstâ€"prize design: it clearly meets the programâ€™s requirement. â€It subtly combines architecture, land- scape architecture, and sculpture. When built and fully realized as part of the campus landscape, it will be a significant addition to the University campus. It will be clearly integrated into the present scene, and into the circulation patterns and historic tradi- tions of the University." The jurors had been chosen in close collaboration with Paul D. Spreiregen of Washington, the professional adâ€" viser for the competition. He served in the same role for the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington. The jury consisted of architects William Muchow of Denver and William Morgan of Jacksonville; art- ists Alice Aycock of New York and Richard Hunt, Chicago; landscape architects, William Behnke of Cleveland and Robert Hanna of Philadelphia; and Grady Clay of Louisville, an environmental author. Kent State had received an $85,000 grant from the National Endowment for the Arts as partial funding for the national competition. The process that resulted in the design competition started in late 1983 when the KSU Board of Trustees authorized a May 4 Memorial Committee â€charged with assessing the historical significance of the events which took place on this Memorial Fund â€˜1) lumni who desire to participate i funding construction of the mpus memorial can send a c eck, payable to the KSU Foun- tion - May 4 Memorial, to the SU Alumni Assn., 120 Student enter, KSU, Kent, OH 44242. I campus on May 4, 1970, including the killing of four students, and, in light of this assessment, with deter- mining what sort of permanent memorial, if any, should be estabâ€" lished.â€ In January of 1985, the Board of Trustees accepted the report of the May 4 Memorial Committee which recommended development of a .1 "physical memorial.â€ Page I https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/50927d754b6bf2fc28196385be09d3e2.tif 3791e560a1aa5628e624fdb6e076bab6 PDF Text Text Akron Beacon Jaumal Satudray, Seetion C Church news C2 0 Obituaries C3 Coming t Project isecho of1970 By Kathleen Byland Beacon Journal stat! writer John Cleary was one of the losers in Kent State Universityâ€™s competition to design a memoriâ€" al to the May 4, 1970, victims of National Guard gunfire -â€" Alli- son Krause, Jeffrey Miller, San- dra Scheuer and William Schroeder. One of 698 contestants, Cleary didnâ€™t even win an honorable mention. Even so, he claims a certain satisfaction from mak- ing the effort. Cleary, an architect in Pitts- burgh, was among the nine stu- dents shot that day who sur- vived. â€œI guess I entered because it was a way for me to express my feelings about May 4," he said in a telephone interview. â€œItâ€™s a shame it had to take this long. but better late than never." Cleary â€" a freshman in 1970 â€"- said he feels lucky to have fully recovered from being shot in the chest. His entry features four gran- ite pillars of varying heights (â€œto represent the four different individuals who died") and nine steps symbolizing the injured. Because the entries were judged by number, not name. Cleary had no edge as a senti- mantal favorite. Top honors, announced Fri- day after a unanimous board of trustees' vote, went to a team consisting of University of Mich- igan architecture . professor Ian Frederick Taberner. New York architect Michael Gerald Fah- ey, 10 University of Michigan cmrlpnts and fnur assistants. terms with The nearly "[00 proposals for the May 4 memorial are on public view this weekend in the auditorium of the University School account of the tragic conclu- sion: â€œThe Guardsmen then re- traced their line of march. Some demonstrators followed as close as 20 yards. but most were be- tween 60 and 75 feet behind the Guard. Near the crest of Blan- ket Hill. the Guard turned and Proposals have variety of . moods https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/2d4bcedb5e79e9fe8c3e174c987d1ff6.tif b2e900322c7443093409a10f6ca28099 PDF Text Text fully recovered from being sum in the chest. His entry features four gran- ite pillars of varying heights (â€œto represent the four different individuals who diedâ€) and nine steps symbolizing the injured. Because the entries were judged by number, not name, Cleary had no edge as a senti- mantal favorite. Top honors, announced Fri- day after a unanimous board of trusteesâ€™ vote, went to a team consisting of University of Mich- igan architecture professor Ian Frederick Taberner, New York architect Michael Gerald Fah- ey, 10 University of Michigan students and four assistants. Their entry focuses on a land- scaped walkway to be carved into the wooded slope northeast of Taylor Hall, near the site of the confrontation. Four circular rooms - with walls but no ceilings â€"- symbol- ize the four who were killed. Four geometrical cutouts â€" again, representing the dead -â€" and nine violent gashes evoking the injured, face the rooms. The path widens into an open-air room for gatherings. The selection of a memorial is . widely viewed as a pivotal point in Kent Stateâ€™s attempt to grapâ€" ple with the tragedy, which made international headlines and threatened to bring lasting â€˜ infamy to the university. The tragedy began unfolding May 1, a Friday, when students staged a demonstration to pro- test the invasion of Cambodia, according to a pamphlet pre- pared by Kent State professors. Hearing rumors of a â€œradical plot," Kent city officials de- clared a state of emergency and telephoned then-Gov. James Rhodes, who dispatched the National Guard. Three days of rioting ensued. On Saturday night, a barracks housing the Army ROTC was set afire. Sunday night, tear gas was fired into avcrowd that refused to disperse. By noon Monday, May 4, some 2,000 to 3,000 had gath- ered near the commons for a rally. Although many knew such gatherings had been banned, others, especially commuters, did not. Guardsmen fired tear gas at the students, some of whom hurled rocks. When the gas had little effect, the troops moved forward with fixed bayonets. The students retreated to a .nearby athletic practice field and the troops followed. The Kent professors â€"- Glen W. Frank, Thomas R. Hensley and Jerry M. Lewis â€"- gave this account of the tragic conclu- sion: "The Guardsmen then re- traced their line of march. Some demonstrators followed as close as 20 yards, but most were be- tween 60 and 75 feet behind the Guard. Near the crest of Blan- ket Hill, the Guard turned and 28 Guardsmen fired 61 shots in 13 seconds toward the parking lot. Four persons lay dead and nine were wounded. The closest casualty was 20 yards and â€the- furthest was almost 250 yards, away." . The idea of a memorial has been endorsed by KSU president Michael Schwartz since his ar- rival in 1982. Earlier attempts â€"- most notably, a George Segal sculpture depicting the Old Tes- tament story of Abrahamâ€™s sac- rifice of his son, Isaac â€" were spurned. The winning memorial repre- sents the triumph of the contem- plative over the confrontational. â€œAccording to our purpose, it will be remembered in a man- ner that is neither heroic nor accusatory," Schwartz said at a news conference Friday. He also thanked students who campaigned for the memorial. Alan Canfora, a student and Barberton resident who was hit by a bullet in the wrist, said he is now full-time director of the Kent May 4 Memorial Founda- tion, a non-profit group devoted to education about the past and advocacy on such current issues as Central America, apartheid, civil rights and the nuclear arms race. "Iâ€™m relatively favorably im- pressed," the 37-year-old li~ brary science major said. â€œI think itâ€™s going to be very pow- erful.", The memorial could be fin- ished within three to five months, according to Paul Spreiregen, a Washington, DC. consultant who aided the seven- member panel of judges and who also directed the selection of the Vietnam War memorial in Washington DC. The 698 entries, including the winners, will be on display to- day and Sunday from 9 am. to 5 pm. at the University School on Summit Road in Kent. The nearly 70â€œ proposals for the May 4 memorial are on public view this weekend in the auditorium of the University School ET Prep 05315 4 have variety of moods The average age of winners of the design competition for Kent Stateâ€™s memorial is 291,12. That means many were younger than 13 when the trage-~ dy occurred nearly 16 years ago, figures Paul Spreiregen, a Washington, D.C., architect who served as adviser for the compe- tition. The winners who claimed a $20,000 award were Ian Freder- ick Taberner, 31. an architec- ture professor from the Univer- sity of Michigan; his partner, New York architect Michael Gerald Fahey, 26, plus 10 Uni- versity of Michigan students and four assistants. The second~place prize of $10,000 went to the Chicago team of architect Bruno Ast, 49, and designer Thomas J. Ras- mussen, 26. It depicted a flat, masonry platform with 13 "ex- plodedâ€ gashes, symbolizing the dead and injured. Third place, and $5,000, went to a trio of Chicago architects, Michael, Joseph Wilkinson, 23; Kevin A. Kemp, 24; and Scott D. Bernhard, whose age was not given. Their entry emphasized .the Commons area, with a heavier border of trees near the tennis courts and a monolithic slab listing the victimsâ€™ names. Four honorable mentions of $500 also were awarded. The most controversial among these was a design which showed a hillside blasted away. Grady Clay, an environmental journalist from Louisville, Ky., chaired the judge's committee. The other jurors were: archi- tects William C. Muchow of Denver, Colo., and William N. Morgan of Jacksonville, Fla; landscape architects William A. . Behnke of Cleveland and Robert M. Hanna of Philadelphia, Pa.; and artists Alice Aycock of New York City and Richard H. Hunt of Chicago. I a h : IV X4" 2 l " ï¬‚ames I Where students were killed ./ GYM ANNEX (built l979l Beacon Journal https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/7197bf5801b32e8c274e49bb726b930f.tif 1a606c4ab0675777a5c1598141e1ce62 PDF Text Text Daily Kent Stater Vol. LX No. 98 Top May 4 design to honor, safeguard By MARK CRAIG Stater Staff Writer Almost 16 years after the May 4, 1970, tragedy in which four Kent State students were killed and nine others wounded by the Ohio National Guard, the Univer- sity has decided on an official memorial designed to remember the past 1n order to safeguard the future. Friday morning, the KSU Board of Trustees voted unani- mously to accept the decision of the seven-member jury which chose the winner of the May 4 Memorial Competition after re- viewing all 698 entries. FIRST PRIZE of $20,000 went to the team of Ian Frederick Taberner, Michael Gerald Fahey, 10 University of Michigan students, and four technical as- , sistants. Taberner, 31; is an architect and teacher at the University of Michigan. ' Fahey, 26, is an architect from Brooklyn, NY. The winning design is a walk- "way behind Taylor Hall leading down to the Commons. The walkway, out about four feet into the hillside, will have four small, open rooms extend- ing to one side, each representing a student killed during the shoot- ings. Across from the rooms will be 13 gashes, representing those killed and wounded. There will also be a larger open room to be used for meet- ings â€œWITH THIS announcement, Kent State University formally acknowledges its own history and its place in recent American ' history,â€ KSU President Michael Schwartz said at Fridayâ€™s press conference in the Kiva. â€œThe loss of four young lives, the wounding of nine other stu- dents, the psychological pain and suffering inflicted upon countless others on the campus, in the city of Kent, and even beyond â€" all of that is remembered here today with the establishment of this commemorative memorial,â€ he added. Three years ago students of the May 4 Task Force submitted to Schwartz a petition for a me- morial. At the instruction of the Board of Trustees, Schwartz then set up a committee to examine the de- sirability of establishing a me- _ morial committee. â€œAfter a year of study,â€ Schwartz said, â€œthe committee reported to the Board of Trustees that indeed a permanent memoâ€" rial should exist on the campus and, further, that any memorial selected should first and fore- most be designed to create a reflective site emphasizing in- quiry and learning.â€ SCHWARTZ PRAISED the. students for their idea of a me- morial. â€œIt is a tribute to the Univer- sityâ€˜s students of today that they reminded us of the need to reâ€" member the past in order to safeguard the future,â€ Schwartz said. â€œI am proud of their pa- tience and persistence.â€ In a report to the trustees, the seven~member jury said, â€œThe first prize design clearly meets the programâ€™s requirements. It subtly combines architecture, landscape architecture and sculpture. When built' and fully realized as part of the campus landscape, it will be a significant addition to the University cam- pus.â€ Taberner estimated the cost of the memorial as beingâ€ be- tween $750,000 and $1 million. About funding of the memori- al, Schwartz said, â€œIt is the Universityâ€™s intention to raise the money privately.â€ Paul Spreiregen, profesSional (See 'WINNING, â€™ Page 2) Kent State University Tuesday, April .8, 1986 A walkway through history Winning Memorial entry sub- mitted by Ian Taberner and Michael Fahey â€" VICTORY BELL COMMONS . TAYLOR METAL SCULPTURE /__1 HILLEL EMORIAL â€˜39 649/0 6 :02 %//; " Details of the site These graphics show where the Memorial will be located, in relation to Taylor and Prentice halls. The four circular rooms symbolize the four stu- dents killed on May 4, 1970. The nine slashes opposite the rooms represent the nine wounded students. The large rectangular room, to the right of the four circular rooms, will be a meeting area. The circular rooms will varying in depth, from two feet, six inches, to four feet. The Memorial will be built from natural materi- als and will be subtly lit. branch off to the right. Daily Kent Starer/ Paul A. Frosty MEMORIAL SITE - The memorial will be built where this sidewalk runs from the northeast corner of Taylor Hall. The four rooms representing the students killed will https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/354ffe150ecbe7ff34763c2eed775ad4.tif 59d6f23ae5ae0d28fced961464483d74 PDF Text Text I 2 Daily Kent Stater, April 8, 1986 5Winningmemorial de eSign unveiled 0 FROM PAGE 1 adviser for the Memorial Com- ,petition, said the memorial could be finished within three to five months. â€˜ A $10,000 second prize was awarded toâ€˜ the team of Bruno Ast and Thomas J. Rasmussen. Ast, 49, is an architect and Rasmussen, 26, a designer. Both are from Chicago. Their design depicted a â€œflat masonry platform with 13 ex- ploded gashes,â€ symbolizing the dead and injured. A $5,000 third prize was awarded to the team of. Michael Joseph Wilkinson,.. Kevin A. Kemp and Scott D. Bernhard. Wilkinson, 23, Kemp, 24, and Bernhard are all architects from Chicago. The third-place design'em- phasized the Commons area, with a heavier border of trees near the tennis courts and a monolithic slab listing the vic- timsâ€™ names. The jury also picked four hon- orable mention finishers. Each honorable mention finisher re- ceived $500. THE JURY was represented by people from the fields of architecture, landscape architec- ture, art, and environmental journalism. The architects were William C. Muchow, from Denver, and William N. Morgan, from Jack- sonville, Fla. The landscape architects were William A. Behnke, from Cleve- land, and Robert M. Hanna, from Philadelphia. The artists were Alice Aycock, from New York, and Richard H. Hunt, from Chicago. The environmental journalist was Grady Clay, from Louisville, Ky. Daily K an! S tater /Paul A. Fresty SURVEYING THE SIGHT â€" Members of the May 4 Design Competition jury look over the future sight of the May 4 Memorial on Friday. Persistence of Task Force reWarded By MARK CRAIG Stater Staff Writer One certainly can understand the sound of joy in the voice of Elizabeth Ricksecker when she diSCUSses KSUâ€™s new May 4 Me- morial design selection. Ricksecker, a graduate student in sociology, was one of the three students who approached former University President Brage Golding with the idea of con- structing a formal memorial to commemorate the four students killed and nine others wounded by the Ohio National Guard dur- ing an anti-war protest on May 4, 1970. That was four years ago when Ricksecker was head of KSUâ€™s May 4 Task Force. She and two other Task Force officers, Lorrie Tenos and Jeff McVann, ap- proached Golding withâ€™the idea and asked him to present it to the KSU Board of Trustees. RICKSECKER said Golding refused because, â€œhe felt an of- ficial memorial was the wish of a few students and not the wish of the University as a whole.â€ As a graduate student, Ricksecker is no longer a mem- ber of the Task Force, which is an undergraduate organization. She does, however, attend meet- ings and consults with current leader Lisa Sanders. â€œIâ€™m so overjoyed right now that itâ€™s hard to put into words,â€ Ricksecker said. â€œIâ€™ve been with this thing every step of the way since 1982 and to think itâ€™s finally coming together. It makes me feel great.â€ When Golding told the Task Force that a memorial wasnâ€™t what the University as a whole wanted, the Task Force mailed out questionnaires to all faculty members. â€œThe reaction was over- whelmingly in favor of a memo- rial,â€ Ricksecker said. The next thing Ricksecker and the Task Force did was to get endorsements from University organizations. Faculty Senate, Under- graduate Senate, Graduate Sen- ate, Black United Students and Kent Interhall Council all en- dorsed the idea of a memorial. IN 1983, the Task Force ap- proached President Michael Schwartz. Schwartz agreed to take the idea to the Board of Trustees and was instructed by the board to establish a broad- based committee to examine the desirability of establishing a me- morial. . After a year of study, the committee, made up of students, faculty, alumni and members of the community, reported to the board that a memorial should exist on the campus. Ricksecker was on the com- mittee as a representative of the parents of the four slain students and the nine wounded students. At Fridayâ€™s press conference that announced the winning de- sign, Schwartz gave high praise to the students who worked so hard to get the memorial. â€œIt is a tribute to the Univer- sityâ€™ s students of today that they reminded us of the need to re- member the past in order to safeguard the future,â€ Schwartz said. â€œI am proud of their pa- tience and persistence.â€ Ricksecker said she is pleased with the winning design chosen by the seven-member jury last week. . â€œI THINK the design selected Will be veryâ€˜beneficial for stu- dents to reflect on what hap- pened,â€ Ricksecker said. â€œI think itâ€™s very appropriate for the students who were killed and wounded.â€ Â» . Sanders said of the design chosen, significance of the four rooms and the 13 gashes. It really fits the purpose as a place for re- flecting with emphasis on inquiry and learning. â€œA statue would have been 'nice. But I think this memorial will be more helpful to students. Itâ€™s a peaceful place where they can go and remember,â€ she said. After four years, Ricksecker thought back on the early stages of the memorial. â€œWe knew back then that it would be a long process, but it was something we believed had to be done,â€ she said. â€œThe time and effort that so many people put into getting this done has paid off. â€œIâ€™m pleased with the Statement 0 FROM PAGE 1 eight feet wide. Three trees are lost in the realization of the design and would be re- placed/relocated on the hilldise slope. Finished material tex- tures would create the effect that the memorial was carved from the existing rock below the grass surface with vines, greenery, and ground cover at- tempting to heal the wound. The Memorial, with the excep- tion of the subtle base cove lighting, would employ all natu- ral material. ,1 TONIGHT Dunbar/Engelman :â€˜Vs. Apple/Heer ' The winning team tonight wins Ct party for the'dorm(s) they represent in the Robinâ€œ Hood. The winner of the individual competition will receive a television set. Presents - PIZZA EATING FINALS TOMORROW NIGHT 2.3%â€ WITH SPACEMAN SCOTT! W https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/8c8c0dbfdfda07fa03fb432d93ab2be7.tif 98ac9361202eab4b7bfcfce2ce210b19 PDF Text Text â€˜Robberâ€™ amuses audience page 15 ON THE INSIDE BRIEFS ............... Page 2 EDITORIALS ..... Page 4 SIGNATURE ....... Page 15 SPORTS .............. Page 20 Daily Kent Stater Vol. LX No. 102 Associated Press WASHINGTON â€" The United States, acting to â€œpre-empt and discourageâ€ Lib- yan terrorism, carried out a series of middle-ofâ€"theâ€"night air strikes against Libya, the White House announced Mon- day night. â€œWe have done what we had to do,â€ President Reagan said to a nationwide audience. , Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger said one US. Air Force plane was unac- counted for. "â€˜There is no indication it went down.â€ LIBYAN RADIO reportedly said that U S. planes had been hit Reagan said the United States had! direct, precise, and irrefutable evidence that Libyan leader Col. Moammar Khadafy had ordered recent anti-Ameri- can terrorist acts. â€œWhen our citizens are abused or at- Kent State University U. S. launches air attacks on Libya tacked anywhere in the world we will respond in self defenseâ€ Reagan said And in an unmistakeable and personal warning to Khadafy, Reagan declared: â€œIf necessary, we will do it again.â€ Pentagon spokesman Fred Hoffman said Air Force F-lll jets were launched from Great Britain and joined Navy jets off the US. carriers America and Coral Sea for a joint attack on â€œtargets in the Vicinity of Tripoli and Benghazi.â€ White House Spokesman Larry Speakes said at the White House that American military jets had struck at â€œLibyaâ€™s ter- rorist infrastructure â€" the command and control systems, intelligence, com- munications, logistics and training facil- ities.â€ WEINBERGER SAID about 18 F-llls were involved along with 15 Navy planes with supporting aircraft and tankers. Secretary of State George Shultz, ap- pearing with Weinberger, said the Soviet Union was told of the operation as it was taking place and was assured it was â€œin no way directed at the Soviet Union.â€ Asked what would happen if Libya was to retaliate for the air strikes, Shultz said, â€œWhat is clear tonight is that the United States will take military action under certain circumstances.â€ Reagan said, â€œHe (Khadafy) counted on America to be passive. He counted wrong.â€ Speakes would not discuss casualties or damage. He said â€œwe took every precau- tionâ€ to ensure that no civilians would be injured or killed. Khadafyâ€™s headquarters near Tripoli was among the targets of the American strike, which occurred at 2 am. Tuesday, Tripoli time (7 pm. EST). SPEAKESâ€™ BRIEFING was telecast on national television at 7:20 pm. He began: Tuesday, April 15, 1986 ' KHADAFY REAGAN â€œUS. military forces have executed a series of carefully planned air strikes against terrorist-related targets in Libya. These air strikes have been completed and our aircraft are returning.â€ (See 'U.S. â€™ Page 8) â€˜N Memorial design Winner disqualified Canadian citizen ineligible, Fahey to be team leader Daily K ant Stator /Terrl Dixon DISQUALIFICATION -â€˜- Ian Taberner discusses his disqualifica- tion from the May 4 Memorial Design. By M. MITCHELLâ€˜MURRAY Senior Editor and By TERRI DIXON Features Edltor KSU President Michael Schwartz disqualified Ian Taberner last week from the winning team of. the May 4 Memorial Competition because he is not a naturalized US citizen. According to the first eligibility requirement of the competition. â€œcompetitors must be US. citizens at the time of registration." Although he is a legal resi- dent of the United States, Taberner is a Canadian citizen. The process of becoming a US. citizen - which he initiated in 1984 â€"â€" may not be completed until 1989, Taberner said. KSU President Michael Schwartz said the design Taberner submitted will be used without his input. â€œI'M DEEPLY depressed. " said Taberner. who accepts full responsibility for the mistake. Schwartz said Michael Gerald Fahey, another team member and an architect from Brooklyn, N.Y., has been desig- nated to replace Taberner as the team leader. Represent- atives of the 697 other entries are expected to be notified of the decision this week. (See â€˜DESIGN,â€™ Page 12) Design er â€™transla tedâ€™ expression of the â€™spiritâ€™ that haunts K SU By TERRI DIXON Features Editor and By M. MITCHELL MURRAY Senior Editor ANN ARBOR, Mich. â€" Win- ning the May 4 Memorial Com- petition. He calls it â€œthe most humbling experience of my life.â€ â€œIâ€™m very proud of the de- sign, but I feel that I had nothing to do with it.â€ IAN TABERNER is serious when he says that. The 31-year-old architecture professor at the University of Michigan is the creator of the winning May 4 Memorial de- sign. His design was selected out of 698 entries. Taberner led a team of 16 people in designing the project. However, he was primarily re- sponsibile for its content. New York architect Michael G. Fâ€˜ahey, 10 of Tabernerâ€™s architecture students and four technical assistants helped Taberner with the design. Taberner calmly explains (See â€˜CREATION,â€™ Page 13) Martin wins 0080 race; plans even ts By SCOTT KAY Stator Staff Writer Pete Martin, current interim director of the Commuter and Off-Campus Stu- dent Organization, won COSOâ€™s election last week and will serve as director through next year. The election, held April 9 and 10, was for the positions of director and assistant director. An assistant director was not elected. (See â€˜WORKSHOP,â€™ Page 8) Student Senate adviser is replaced; position with ACPB Seen as reason By DARRIS C. BLACKFORD Stater Staff Writer Niki Pszonowsky was replaced as Un- dergraduate Student Senate adviser be- cause she â€œused her position and influence with Senate to further her case with ACPB,â€ said Undergraduate Student Sen- ator Ed Kaiser on Monday. Pszonowsky has been replaced by Theo- dore Hallenbeck, head of the Office of Student Life. KAISER SAID Pszonowsky was adviser to both Undergraduate Student Senate and the All-Campus Programming Board. â€œWhen ACPB matters were discussed in Undergraduate Student Senate meetings, Ms. Pszonowsky became a strong vocal advocate for ACPB,â€ he said. â€œSenate must not be internally influenced in such a way to soley benefit one organization.â€ Pszonowsky still holds the position of ACPB adviser. â€œNiki was very concerned about ACPB,â€ said Georgiann DeCenzo, ex- ecutive director of Undergraduate Student Senate. â€œShe was very strong about Un- dergraduate Student Senate supporting ACPB, which we do anyway.â€ Kaiser said the problem slowly de- veloped after Pszonowsky was appointed . tell us what to do.â€ in January, and grew until it was com- pletely out of hand. â€œI think she has gone past what an adviser should be,â€ he said. DeCENZO SAID said Senate discussed the matter with Hallenbeck, and he made the final decision to take over the position. â€œWe donâ€™t need someone to come in and DeCenzo said. â€I view this as a very positive move because we get to work with Dr. Hallenbeck and do away with the conflict of interest." Hallenbeck was Undergraduate Student Senate adviser last summer. (See 'STUDENT,â€™ Page 8) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/d9c389c94cec8425bfdaaa6fe20ff035.tif 9bf9a78cf7efa6edc7dc2ee809af97dd PDF Text Text Memorial By Krista Ramsey I admit that, at first, the idea of a May 4 memorial bothered me very much. Perhaps it was the vocabulary used in the initial press release and the subsequent news stories. Wounds. Gashes. Words that looked so ominous, so full of death and destruction. AS A STUDENT at Kent State and a lifelong resident of Ohio, I felt there were already enough angry scars and festering wounds left from that terrible day in May, 16 years ago. Simply because those marks werenâ€™t visible entities, didnâ€™t mean they werenâ€™t horribly real and enduringly painful. And, I reasoned, there are more than enough physical re- minders on this campus already. Everyone who opens a KSU catalogue sees a chronicle of the event. Every new student hears an account of the tragedy in orientation class. Each day on my way to Taylor Hall I walk by the memorial laque in the parking lot. The act that itâ€™s small does not translate into insignificance. It may be only a whisper, but Daily Kent Stater, April 15, 1986 5 it is a whisper not easily ignored. How many ghosts do we need here, I wondered? Will a certain number of plaques or so many tons of concrete bring back Al- lison â€˜ Krause,â€˜ Jeffrey Miller, Sandra Scheuer or William Schroeder? Or will such remin- ders only serve to aggravate the wound, continue the bleeding so that real healing can never take place? BUT THEN I LOOKED at the press release on the memorial once again. This time new words jumped out at me. Reflection. Contemplation. Healing. Softer' words. Words that carried life, Lifters are overlooked by S tater Editor, Stater: Recently two Kent State stu- dents competed in the US. Col- legiate Powerlifting Cham- pionships in Chicago, Ill. Both placed second in the nation in their respective classes. Also, the powerlifters, as a team, ranked fourth in the na- tion. I cannot recall another KSU athletic team placing that well in a national competition. Why do such exceptional ath- letes get the same recognition as â€œWomenâ€™s softball team wins forfeit?â€ Both Brian Zappitello and Pat Keenan have a good chance at representing the US. in the world championships in India next fall. Not since Thomas Jefferson ran in the 1984 Olym- pics has a KSU athlete com- peted on the international level. Granted, powerlifting is not a â€œbig moneyâ€ sport, but I feel such accomplishments deserve just a little more credit. - The KSU powerlifting team can boast many proud ac~ complishments, including team championships, second ranking in the state, and American and world records. How about a little well deserved recog- nition? Scott McDaniel KSU Powerlifter God aprovicl Editor, Stator: â€˜ Daily Kent Stater letters policy The Daily Kent Stater welcomes letters and written comments from its readers on matters of campus interest, including those criticizing the editorial or business operations of the Stator. In order to be considered for publication, all letters must be signed and contain the author's name and appropriate identifying inâ€" formation. Telephone numbers shoul be in- cluded in aid in checking the letter's authen~ ticity. No letter to the editor shall be pub- lished until the Identity of the author is veriï¬ed. All published letters carry the authorâ€˜s name. Names will only be withheld in ex- traordinary instances, such as threats of physi- cal or academic reprisal. The Slater reserves the right to edit any letter to conform to space limitations, the laws of libel and invasion of privacy, and standards of good taste. However, care will be exercised to preserve the meaning intended by the au- thor. Complaints about the enforcement of this policy or about any aspect of the Starter opera- tions may he directed to the editor, Joe Powell, or the managing editor. Paris Wolfe. 'Iâ€˜he Slater telephone number is 672â€"2584. This letter is written in re- sponse to Chuck Grahamâ€™s edito- rial in April 8thâ€™s Stater. Mr. Graham, as Christians, how can we be over-excited over God? I would like to make my own analogy. Tell a terminally-ill Cancer patient that a cure has just been found that will save his life. He is so excited about this cure, that he tells others with the same disease, even those he doesnâ€™t know. He even tells, out of his exuberance, his familyand his friends. AS CIIRISâ€™Iâ€˜IANS, we have been given the same ultimate cure for our human disease, which is sin. This cure, Mr.Graham, is a disinfectant. It cleanses us of our sin. As the Bibleputs it, our cure is a per- sonal relationship with Jesus Christ. We could act like a patient who. after hearing about the cure, is skeptical. He is unwilling to act on the belief that a cure has been found. Many people who profess to be Christians act this Krista Ramsey e â€The words jumped out at me. Reflection. Contempla- H ea l i ng. words. . . that carried life, understanding, perhaps for- gweness, no matterwho was right or who was wrong.â€™ .. tion. understanding, perhaps for- giveness, no matter who was right or who was wrong. And I thought about what a _memorial, cut deeply and per- manently into 3 Kent hillside, said about the Universityâ€™s atâ€" titude toward the tragedy. It said, â€œWe promise to re- memberâ€ and, perhaps more im- portantly, â€œWe promise not to let the rest of the world forget.â€ The University didnâ€™t remark that â€œwe will do this if we mustâ€ or even â€œweâ€™ve gone past this.â€ Rather, it said, â€œYes, weâ€™ll re- member . . . and weâ€™ll try to un- derstand.â€ S the cure to way. They fail to put their whole lives in control of God. They cannot see Christ is their cure, or solution to, their problems. These people have enough Christianity to be comfortable, but not enough to cure the sin in their lives. We are called to take a full dose of Christ. If we only take part of him, we miss out on the excitement of total healing. Mr. Graham, if _ we call ourselves Christians, how can we not allow our excitement over our cure to pervade every aspect in our life? The world, I believe, is looking for the truth. As Chris- tians, we are called to be faithful witnesses to the Truth of Jesus Christâ€™s changing power in our lives. I am sorry that some people ,, do get a negative attitude for people who witness. I personally pray that God is the one who is evident in my words as well as in my actions. But I cannot, or should I say will not, stop being a witness for Christ. I am not here to say words that keep people complacent in â€RHYMElintâ€"OUIRYOMUUMMâ€˜WWE Wednesday April 23rd Student Center $2.0o per table register for space in rm 224 Kent student center for more info call 672-2554 sorry notood sales or vendors rain date April 30th open to all FACULTY, STUDENTS,and STAFF 4th annual GARAGE SALE buy sell or trade MW QMQQQWW Softer The dictum â€œforgive and forgetâ€ may have some validity, but, in building this monument, the University seems to be saying, â€œFor forgiveness to ' come in any form, first we must never forget.â€ Finally, I realized that simply because I daily look upon the scene where four young people were killed and nine more wounded, most of the world doesnâ€™t pass by there. AND FAR TOO MANY of us have emotional handicaps which dictate that we can only learn from things we see or hear or touch. Perhaps, then, we may meant for reflection. not destruction only words many people will ever understand. God willing, as the world passes along a memorial walk- way or pauses in an earthen cubicle it will not hear the sounds of gunshots or cries of pain. May it hear voices, young and old, seeking to understand what happened here on a warm day in May. And may it then determine that such days, from now on, will be as innocent and peaceful as they were created to be. What I have finally come to understand is that there is indeed a place for a tangible monument to that event, which, to varying degrees, changed this University and the nation. People may need something to look at, to touch, to walk through in order to remember whatâ€™s too dangerously easy to forget. But I also believe that, ul- timately, the best and most en- during memorial to Allison, Jef- frey, Sandra and William is not something that we merely look at. It is, instead, something all of its who wish to remember must we. Ramsey is a graduate stu- dent in journalism. their sin. I am' called to tell them what sin is and how to find the cure. I am not the person who is able to cure them, but Jesus is. Likewise, I am not capable to save anyone, but He is. I will not compromise what the Bible says about salvation, who God is, or what our commitment to Him should be as Christians. I KNOW THAT I have chosen to obey Godâ€™s call to be his witness. I also know that He will be faithful to do what he says, in spite of my own, human failin-s MARCIA 's BEAUTY SALON ' 8ll Marvin Ave. ~ on busllne BRING A FRIEND - FRIEND 1/2 PRICE the Sickness of sin and inadequacies. In finishing this letter, I would like to leave you with this thought, Mr. Graham. Ipray that you would know without a doubt, Jesus the author and finisher of your salvation. and be responsive to his call in Matthew 28 to go into all the world and preach the Good News of Jesus Christ. Audrey Miller Junior Nursing Shampoo, deep conditioning treatment 8. haircut $7.00 2nd person S3.50 Students only Cash only - bring ad 678-8881 Graduate Research Conference Todayâ€"April 15' .l . 4:30 pom. Kent Student Center Ballroom Sponsored by the Graduate Student Senate Free admissionâ€"Open to the, public https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/63208e8a61f3fd0aca1d861289b93966.tif 658b3b022d5fb0505ce949e3a32cfeef PDF Text Text 12 Daily Kent Stater, April 15, 1986 0 FROM PAGE 1 Fahey never worked directly on the design and has only seen pictures of the model. Fahey, 24, said his contribution was limited to phone conversations. â€œI donâ€™t know how they can use a design credited to someone else,â€ Fahey said. â€œI had a min- imal amount to do with it. We entered together but . . . Ian took control of the whole thing in Michigan.â€ Schwartz acknowledged that Fahey may have had minimal involvement in the project, but said, â€œThat is not the point.â€ The University had a responsi- bility to select the winner ac- cording to the rules, he added. â€œThe winning designer is a US. citizen, whether he had a lot to do with it or a little to do with it.â€ TABERNER, 31, said he elicited criticisms from his architecture students while pre- paring the design at the Univer- sity of Michigan. He considers those students and four technical assistants part of the team. Schwartz has said the pro- posed memorial â€œwill remember the past in order to safeguard the future." Four students were killed and nine wounded by Ohio National Guardsmen on May 4, 1970. Taberner telephoned Schwartz about the eligibility problem April 6 two days after the winning design was an- nounced. â€œIâ€™ m always honest and up front,â€ said Taberner, who ad- mitted he had only skimmed over the rules. â€œHad I known before Jumping at the chance to shorten your wait! Help us help you! The DeWeese Health Center Serves You! If you are a student registered for the current semester, including commuters and students without Student Health Insurance: on. that day. C If. Call for an appointment 672-2322 (between 8 a.m. . you wake up ill and need to be seen . you know you will need / are planning to be seen in the near future. - 4:30 p.m.) 0â€: Olf: Come in you have an acute illness or injury. you simply have a cold and want to be seen in our Cold Clinic. competitor, that I would be disqualified and would create this embarrass- ment, I would not have entered.â€ Schwartz said, â€œIf Mr. Taberner had not disclosed it himself, we wouldnâ€™t have known.â€ Before notifying Taberner that he was dis- qualified, Schwartz said he con- sulted Paul D. Spreiregen; pro- fessional adviser of the competi- tion, and Robert Beck, director of Legal Affairs for the Univer- sity. SPREIREGEN said he thought Taberner knew before he entered that he wasnâ€™t eligible. He added, â€œYou do these things (competitions) in good faith and trust.â€ When entering, competitors attest they have read and agree with the rules. Schwartz said he does not be- lieve the incident will have an adverse effect on the University. â€œIt wasnâ€™t what I could call a big embarrassment to us as it is to him,â€ Schwartz said. Spreiregen said, â€œI think he COPIES 8V2 X 11 up to 24 X 36 Typesetting Laminating Offset Printing KENT RAVENNA 124 8 Water 2115 Chestnut 678-2042 296-4059 'I think he (Taberner) almost nearly killed the whole thing. If he had been a single I donâ€™t know what weâ€™d have done.â€™ Professional adviser to the competi- Paul Spreiregen tion (Taberner) almost nearly killed the whole thing. If he had been a single competitor, I donâ€™t know what weâ€™d have done.â€ Taberner said none of the oth- er 20 competitions he has entered have required US. citizenship. Schwartz said this competi- tion was restricted because the University was looking for an American response to an Ameri- can event. Spreiregen said, â€œWhat hap- pened at Kent State is something Americans have to deal with. It is our problem and no one elseâ€™s.â€ DEAN KAHLER, one of nine students wounded during the shootings, said the eligibility re- quirement was a â€œsilly rule.â€ â€œThat (the rule) is a narrow view of the world we live in,â€ said Kahler. â€œIt (the shootings) affected lots of people in the ,world â€"â€" not just in America.â€ Kahler, who appeared with Taberner on â€œGood Morning Americaâ€ last week, said he was disappointed. He said he feels bad that Taberner won't be given credit or be involved with the development of the memorial. Bruno Ast, a Chicago architect and member of the team that won second place, said the University should have en- couraged international partici- pation. He added the rule requir- ing US. citizenship is not rele- vant. Taberner said he is not con- cerned about having to forfeit the $20,000 prize and the recognition. He said he wants only to be consulted during the construction of his design. â€œI have admitted my error and accept my punishment,â€ he said. â€œBut when youâ€™re taken away from the creative process you become upset and fright- enedï¬â€™ SCHWARTZ SAID any input Taberner offers will be done through Fahey, but any com- pensation would come â€œout of his (Faheyâ€™s) pocket.â€ He added the University â€will not consult with Ian Taberner.â€ Taberner said he just wants his design to be constructed as he intended, which will be im- possible if he is not consulted. He stressed the spirit of his design will be lost. Spreiregen said Taberner can- not be involved with construction of his design because he mis- represented himself. He also pre- dicted some people would object and the University would open itself to lawsuits. â€œThere were others who would have liked to enter but couldnâ€™t," he said. Taberner said his presence will be critical to the success of the memorial. â€œA creator or artistâ€™s work cannot be altered without his consent â€" itâ€™s i1- legal.â€ According to the competition guidelines, the â€œsponsor shall own and have exclusive right to use the design winning first prize.â€ Schwartz does not think the integrity of the design will be lost even if Taberner is not as- sociated with it. He pointed out the University is familiar with the intent of the design because it 'has the initial drawings and the design statement. â€œWeâ€™ll execute it as faithfully as we can,â€ he said. Taberner said he could make further contributions. For exam- ple, he has ideas for the lighting, choice of materials, and struc. ture of the steps. Schwartz contends the project can still continue without Taberner. Currently Schwartz is plan- ning to meet with Fahey on Friday to review his credentials as an architect. If Fahey does not have enough experience, a local architect could be hired to help oversee the memorial, Schwartz explained. THE COMPETITION rules stipulated the winner could â€œre- view and commentâ€ on the de- velopment of the design. â€œI donâ€™t want to be used as a prop,â€ Fâ€˜ahey said. â€œSo many offices do things half-assed. We (he and Taberner) would have to (See 'DESIGNER,_â€™__Page 13) 427 East Main St. Kent, Ohio 44240 1CD QIMA P--.- M OM mg 'Iâ€˜WO EGGS - MON-FRI 1A.M. - ll A.M. L) 91% .--.v---. % Ham 20 war-.101 21:00 PM. - V ' DAYS A WEEK ruui-II-u l Elâ€˜. 4'37 EAS'Iâ€˜ M'AIN S'I'. BREAKFAST SPECIAL N0. 7 COUNTRY BREAKFAST 111111112 PANCAKES -. WIâ€™Iâ€˜II CHOICE or MEAâ€™I' SAUSAGE LINK on lâ€™A'l'TIES ~ HAM on CORNED BEEF HASH now only 2.99 COUION In...cacao-unouuunnuouuuu OPEN 24 HOURS KEN'I' 427 mgr MAIN ST. COUNTRY STYLE DIN NERS SPECIALSII CHOOSE ANY ONE OF SIX DINNERS SERVFI) WIFH CHOICE OF POTATO. SOUP 8: SALAD BUFFET, ROLL 9:04) PM. 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MON-FRI Câ€™OUI ON OPEN 24 IIOURS 4â€™7 PAS'I MAIN ST. 673-1454 nun-woJonncua %, <a>m a. hue-trio â€˜-.---.- km https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/9056ff23d1503eab12e940e5b131c938.tif cf01223e20c9fed2cc19dc783d332520 PDF Text Text Daily Kent Stater, April 15, 1986 13 Creation process filled with emotion 0 FROM PAGE 1 that he was only a â€œconduitâ€ â€" a means of expression. â€œWhen we do something great, we donâ€™t do it,â€ he says. â€œWeâ€™re a means of some sort of â€" Iâ€™m not a religious person at all â€" but I believe itâ€™s part of a higher order.â€ Taberner may not officially receive recognition for designing the winning en- try because he was disqualified from the competition by KSU President Michael Schwartz. The rules stated entrants must be US. citizens; Taberner is Canadian. BUT TABERNER really doesnâ€™t care about the recognition. He wants only for his design to be constructed as he in- tended. Though he designed it, theâ€˜memorial is not his, he says.- â€œI think that the design is a gift that was translated through me. Because I think what happened is that Iâ€™ve been able to, in some way, interpret spirits of the dead students, and Iâ€™ve been able to translate that spirit into a three- dimensional form,â€ he added. Taberner believes the site where the May 4, 1970 shootings occurred is haunted. â€œThese places have spirits,â€ he says matter-of-factly. He says he witnessed the spirit himself. â€œWHEN I FIRST went to Kent State before Christmas, it was very late in the evening. The whole University appeared to be closed and it was almost getting dark . .â€ Tabernerâ€™s hazel eyes became fixed and glazed as he recalled the evening. â€œI came into the parking lot where the students were killed, and when I realized where I was I turned right around and drove out. â€œI went down to the gym and walked up the hill, and when I got up there it was freezing cold and there was snow on the ground, blowing lightly across the field. â€œThe place was haunted. Honest to God, I felt that way.â€ Taberner said he tried to capture that spirit in the design. HIS DESIGN is a walkway behind Taylor Hall leading to the Commons. The walkway, cut about four feet into the hillside, will have four small, open-air rooms extending to one side, each repre- senting a student killed in the shootings. Across from the rooms will be 13 gashes, representing the total number killed and wounded. There will also be a larger, open-air room to be used for meetings. â€œI think the project is important to create a certain kind of mood . . . a mood of reflection and contemplation. I wanted to give that effect.â€ He seems to care that observers in- terpret the design as he intended. â€œIt should be like an artistic incident that youâ€™re kind of wandering across the Commons, say 100 years from now. You donâ€™t know a thing about Kent State and you walk up the hill and discover this thing and you say, â€˜This is strange. What was this? Was this the foundation to a build- ing? Or what are these four round things? Something very important must have hap- pened.â€™ â€ The May 4 shootings are very impor- tant, Taberner says. "KENT STATE is one of the most important things that has ever happened in the history of the United States. Can you think of four deaths that have had more impact? Maybe John F. Kennedy or Abraham Lincoln . . . I canâ€™t think of a more important event.â€ He says the point of May 4 is that â€œTheoretically, we have the right to ex- press ourselves. But they were shot at. That wasnâ€™t supposed to happen.â€ Just as most people remember tragic days vividly, Taberner recalls May 4, 1970. In 1970, Taberner was a teenager in New York. He recalls being in school when he heard about the shootings. â€œI remember my English professor canceling class that day. We were study- ing Shakespeare at the time and we stopped everything just to talk about what happened at Kent State that day Iâ€™ll never forget it. Taberner was 15 years old, growing up in a new city â€"â€" actually a new country. Born in Toronto, Ontario, Taberner had just moved to New York to go to school. He attended Pratt Institute, then switched to Ryerson Polytechnlcal In- Daily Kent Stater /Terri Dixon TEAM EFFORTâ€" Members of the Memorial Design team are: (front, left to right) George Laetz, Forrest Gearhart, Jay A. Waronker, Laura Lee, Ian Taberner, Michael A. Mitterhuber, Mark Allison and Paul Daniels. (Back, left to right) David Younglov e and Kent Halex. stitute in 1974, and transferred back to Pratt in 1978. He graduated in 1981, with his name on the Presidentâ€™s and Deanâ€™s lists. Also in â€˜81, he was awarded first place in the National Reynolds Aluminum Prize for Architecture Students contest. HE HAS WORKED since 1982 in design and development for a New York architecture company. Last June, he was awarded the William Muschenheim Fel- lowship in Architecture at the University of Michigan, and moved to Ann Arbor last fall. He may return to New York after his teaching fellowship concludes next year. It was through an architecture class he teaches that he became involved in the memorial project. He assigned the project to the class and decided he would also do the assignment. He did so because, like a student, he Is always learning. A professor must be active and not just tell students what to do, he explains. â€œI think thatâ€™s what the role of a professor Is -â€" to do â€" isnâ€™t it? Isnâ€™ tit to help his or her students to be better than they are? I think it is. â€ As part of the learning process, he encouraged his students to critique his ideas. â€œTheyâ€™d say, â€˜Oh, Ian, you canâ€™t do that. That looks like hell,â€™ â€ he says, chuckling. THEIR INPUT was vital to the success of his design, he adds. â€œThatâ€™s why I acknowledge their criticism because it was very much of a unified force thing.â€ Taberner also emphasizes the influence of Fahey, who has been his best friend since 1900. He and Fahey talked last fall about entering the competion -â€" theyâ€˜ve entered others together before. But Taberner says he didnâ€™t have time to begin seriously working on the project until Feb. 16. The deadline for entry was March 1. Not surprisingly, he says he often stayed up until 4 or 5 in the morning working on the design. In preparing for the project, Taberner says he did a lot of reading about the shootings. Though entrants werenâ€™t sup- posed to have a bias, he says it was difficult not to get caught up in what happened. â€œThe more I read about Kent State, the more I couldnâ€™t do it . . .I tend to get very emotional. â€ The background helped him realize the purpose of the memorial. â€œTHE KEY TO the design, I think, was the thing about the importance of the four students and, to me, their importance is their absence. Thatâ€™s why theyâ€™re impor- tant to us, because theyâ€™re no longer with us. Daily K ant Stater / Terri Dixon THE DESIGN â€" A model of the winning May 4 Memorial Design, which will be located on The Commons, near Taylor and Prentice halls. â€œHere were four lives, very young, probably very talented, and they had these wonderful lives ahead of them, and they were removed, taken away. So the theme of the memorial is subtraction.â€ He said that is why the four rooms are underground, representing an absence of earth. He hopes the memorial will bring about a reconciliation between the students, the administration, the guardsmen and the people of the town. â€œThe reconcilation and the healing takes place in the ground because the natural elements, the green, will grow over the scar in the ground. â€œMaybe 2000 years from now, if it wasnâ€™t touched, (the memorial) would erode to nothing and the memory of Kent State wbuld be gone. â€œThe scar may still be there, but it may not be as present as it once was.â€ IAN TABERNER Important to Create Certain Mood 0 FROM PAGE 12 do the full design and develop- ment . . Ian and I would work it out. Design development is critical.â€ Though Taberner may not consult with the University, Fahey said Taberner can attend Fridayâ€™s meeting as his consultant. Designer is disqualiï¬ed One of the future stages will be hiring a general contractor and a stone mason. Spreiregen said, â€œIâ€™m hoping they find some old Italian family â€"â€" three brothers and an uncle â€" for the stone masons.â€ Schwartz said he is pleased the comâ€" petition was run fairly. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/df65380bd0a34e31f755b6ec5369f926.tif 9f1226f817ff76caf8a55f4374d72bad PDF Text Text Flashes nip the Zips _ ON THE INSIDE BRIEFS ............... Page 2 EDITORIALS ....... Page 4 CLASSIFIEDS ..... Page 14 SPORTS ............. . . Page 16 Daily Kent S tater Vol. LX No. 102 Associated Press WASHINGTON -â€" The White House on Tuesday proclaimed the US. air' raid on Libya a success that . against terrorism,â€ but the at- tacks appear to have jeopardized prospects for the 'U.S.-Soviet summit later this year. Libya, meanwhile, apparently retaliated by firing at a US. Coast Guard installation on a tiny Mediterranean island 175 miles off the Libyan coast. PRESIDENT REAGAN' said â€œThe United States won but a single engagement in the long battle against terrorismâ€ and pledged to continue with more strikes if necessary. â€œWe would prefer not to have to repeat the eVents of last night,â€ he told a group of busi- ness executives. But he said that would be 'up to Libyan leader Moammar Khadafy, whom he â€œstruck a blow - labeled an arch- terrorist. â€œWhat is required is for Libya â€˜ to end its pursuit of terror for political goals,â€ said Reagan. â€œThe choice is theirs.â€ Presidential Spokesman Larry Speakes said the nighttime U.S. bombings â€œsuccessfully ac- complishedâ€ their twin objec- tives of damaging Khadafyâ€™s .ability to perpetrate terrorism and showing him the United States would strike to punish him for past attacks on Americans and to pre-empt future ones. An air-and-sea search was un- derway for an Air Force F-lll â€˜ fighter-bomber and its two-man crew missing after the Monday night attack. The Pentagon iden-, tified the missing airmen as Capt. Fernando L. Rigas-Domi- nicci, 33, of Puerto Rico, the pilot; and Capt. Paul F. Lorence, 31, of San Franscisco, the weap- ons system officer. Kent State University PENTAGON SPOKESMAN Robert Sims said rescue planes continued to search over the wa- ter off Libya after dark Tuesday but had found â€œno evidence of survivors, no beepers, no strobesâ€ to indicate where the Wednesday, April 16,1986. White House labels raid 3 sUccess lost plane went down. He said the search-and-rescue operation was not drawing fire and no other US. forces were in the area, despite Libyan reports of arenewed attack. The Soviet Union, responding to the bombing raids, called off a planned meeting next month be- tween Secretary of State George P. Shultz and Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard A. (See â€˜SOVIETS,â€™ Page 7) Diplomacy not used to~ deal with terrorism, prof says , By KEN KRIZNER - Associate News Editor The Reagan administration needs more than just military force if it wants an end to ter- rorism, and Mondayâ€™s air strikes on Libya will not end terrorist expert said. â€œIt is sad that the United States uses military force and has not devoted much energy on diplomacy,â€ said KSU political science Professor Thomas R. Mattauâ€˜ â€œWe need to do more than just one thing. Diplomacy is a way of reducing motives of terrorists and frequency of attacks.â€ Mattair said the U.S.-Libyan confrontation is only a small part. of a wide regional problem in the Middle East. â€œLIBYA IS promoting ter- rorists that have essentially Palestinian influences,â€ Mattair attacks, a Middle East Affairs ' Dining Out Daily Kent Stater/ Wendie Alexander ' College of Fine and Pro- â€œ Search Committee â€˜ Schwartz. and Thomas . Moore, vice president Claire Porter, dancer and choreographer, performed as part of Honors Week ' Tuesday in the Kiva. The program was about portrayals of life through danc including this portrayal of dining out. See page 10 for photos and story. â€™. .' V. (See 'LACK,â€™ Page 7) Interim dean selected "w .1 . . â‚¬03 ,1. -".â€˜ >._ â€˜ â€1,-.4. , .' By MARK CRAIG and JOYCE RAINEY S tater Staff Writers Thomas Barber, interim dean of the fessional Arts since June 1985, will become the permanent dean, Vice President for Academic and Student Affairs Terry Roark an- nounced Tuesday. . Barber was chosen over five other finalists by the 10-member Fine and Professional Arts about a month ago. Its recommendation Was submitted to Roark, President Michael for Human Resources. Roark, Schwartz and Moore then interviewed ond choice, Stewart Schar, a second time. Schar is a professor in the College of By TERRI DIXON and M. MITCHELL MURRAY Stater Editors Though Ian Taberner was officially dis- qualified from the team that created the winning May 4 Memorial design, he will be permitted to attend a â€œnegotiationsâ€ meeting Friday with University architects. KSU President Michael Schwartz had said Taberner would not be permitted to have any official involvement in the con- struction of his design. â€œHe forfeited his right to be party to this (project) when he misrepresented his citizenship,â€™ Schwartz said Sunday. MICHAEL FAHEY, the New York architect with whom Taberner worked on the project, replaced Taberner as team { a, THOMAS BARBER New Dean Barber and the search cOmmitteeâ€™s sec- forp _, Armanent position Design at Louisiana State University. â€˜Their recommendation to select Barber will be presented to the Kent State Board of Trustees at its May meeting. The Board of Trustees will then make the final decision. â€˜ â€˜ W e ( R o a r k , Schwartz and Moore) met and discussed each one's qualities and then matched them to see which one would be bet- ' ter for the future of the college,â€ Roark said. â€œThe board holds the right to reject that rec- ommendation, but I donâ€™t forsee that hap- pening.â€ THE SEARCH for a new dean of the College of Fine and Pro- fessional Arts started in April 1985 when former Dean Harry Ausprich resigned to become p r e s i d e n t o f Bloomsburg University in Pennsylvania. (See â€˜BARBER,â€™ Page 7) Diqua/ified designer to attend memorial planning seSsion leader. Taberner was disqualified because competition rules stated entrants must be US. citizens. Taberner is Canadian. Schwartz invited Fahey, but not Taberner, to a Friday meeting concerning the proposed memorial. Taberner said he found out about the meeting from Fahey, who said he wants Taberner to be there. Schwartz said Tuesday he didnâ€™t care whether Taberner came to the meeting. But he noted the University is not paying Tabernerâ€™s expenses. â€œWho he (Fahey) consults with is his business. We will not consult with Ian Taberner,â€ Schwartz said Sundav. â€œFahey said Schwartz talked to him about the meeting Monday. â€œI wanted Ian to be there and I wanted him to be there no matter what.â€ Fahey said he told (See â€˜TABERNER,â€™ Page 7) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/a6860950d9098940398314185c4b0893.tif 47ca060b339544f352a89d23b47296df PDF Text Text 4 Daily Kent Stater, April 16, 1986 ' Daily Kent Stater 100 Taylor Hall, Kent, Ohio 44242 JOSEPH P. POWELL â€˜ Editor DONA M. TERNAI Advertising Manager PARIS R. WOLFE Managing Editor Disqualification violates integrity There is something terribly wrong. A man designs a projtect for a contest. He overlooks a rule. He wins the con es . â€˜ He discovers the rule and reports his violation. His design _ is kept, but he is discarded for the violation. Something is wrong with the punishment. Why keep the design and trash the man? If the design is the best of 698, it should be kept, and so should the designer. Without the designer the integrity of the design is violated. And violating the integrity of the design is a grave sin against mankind. . Ian Taberner had a vision when he planned the May 4th Memorial. And the selection committee aCcepted his vision. Now the University wants to keep the vision, but not Taberner. " â€˜ Contest rules required. that the memorial designer be a US. citizen. Taberner, a 15-year resident of the U.S., is not yet a citizen, but in the process of becoming one. And thus, he is ineligible to even participate in the contest. 'Why didnâ€™t the University check to see whether the .finalists had followed the contest rules, if the, rules are so important? , ' " â€˜ Instead, Taberner discovered the violation and brou ht it to the attention of the University. The University shou d be im ressed b Tabernerâ€™s honesty and integrity. nstead, t e Universit is embarrassed and trying to save face. They want to keep t e best design and punis the person who caused the embarrassment. This is wrong. And two wrongs do not make a right. The first wrong is the violation of contest rules. This is already done. The second wrong is the violation of Taberner. This is in the process of being done. i As hard as they try, the University wonâ€™t be able to erase . Taberner from the whole thing. And they shouldnâ€™t. ' He ma still be a consultant, but he will not be recognized or subsidized by the University. And that is OK with him. He said all he wants is â€œcreative involvement.â€ ' But even this will be limited to what Taberner can do through team member Michael Fahe , who has had little exposure to the design, but is now in c arge of it. The University wants to erase Taberner just as the â€˜ government erases dissenters in George .Orwellâ€™s 1984. Tabernerâ€™s accom lishments will stand, but his affiliation with the design wi 1 be only that of an unofficial consultant. It seems so absurd to disqualify the man, but not the design when they are really one and the same. In Ayn Randâ€™s The Fountainhead, architect Howard Roark, the epitome of integrity, says, â€œThe creative faculty cannot be given or received, shared or borrowed. It belongs to single, individual men. That which it creates is the property ~ 8f the creator . . . The creator originates. The parasite orrows.â€ It would be tragic for the University to â€borrowâ€ the . design without permitting the artist freedom to fulfill his vision. . Daily Kent Stater Viewpoints Policy l â€˜i: Ihnfx Iv'c-n/ .N'totcralso encourages readers to sulnnit viewpoints on current topics or events. ... l"'ltl'~. tulllluttlll) written in an essay lorin. can address a variety ol'issues or relleet personal :u own Iâ€˜~. l'lu- Slater reserves the right to edit viewpoints to conform to space limitations, ~ . â€˜ in ~ oi lllwl :Illtl invasion of privacy. and good taste. tâ€˜are will he taken to retain the intended own. :nne~ and phone numbers must he provided to verily viewpoints. Photos of each author -~ â€œi g-tl through the Ntntcr will generally appear with published viewpoints. Slater Staff Karen Lynch ...................................................... Associate Managing Editor Greg Swope ............................................................................ News Editor M. Mitchell Murray .............................................................. Senior Editor David de la Fuente ............................................................... Sports Editor 'Iâ€˜erri Dixon ....................................................................... Features Editor Wendie Alexander .................................................................. Photo Editor Jim Pleshinger ................................................................ (â€˜opv Desk Chief Bob Ferguson ............................... : ............................... Editorial Cartoonist Ken Krizner ............................................................. Associate News Editor ('olleen lVlastrovaselis ............................................... â€˜lssociotc Sports Editor Roseterese DeMio ................................................. Associate Features Editor Beth Falnnga ................................................................. ('opv Des/c Editor Samantha Franck ........................................................... ('opqv [)eslt Editor Lisa Kati. ....................................................................... ('op_v Des/c Editor Steve Nagy .................................................................... (â€˜opv Des/c Editor Angie Spreitzer .............................................................. (â€˜opv Des/c Editor ('ris Glaser ............................................................................ Briefs Editor 'lâ€˜odd Miller ........................................................ Adcertising Representatice Steven Mohney ................................... Advertising Itepresentatice Rhonda Morrow .................................................. Advertising Itâ€™epresentatii'e John Weslowski .................................................. Advertisingl Representative Joe litigate ........................................................ Adcertising Representative Louise (â€˜hlysta .......................................................... Production Supervisor 'Sharon Marquis .LL ....................................................................... Secretary Mary Smith ................................................................................. 8' ecretarv Bruce Larrick ................................................................................ Adviser THAT .â€™ Jesus commanded evangelism Editor, Stater: This letter is in response to Chuck Grahamâ€™s April 8 letter entitled â€œChristians need not evangelize. â€ Mr. Graham, in all respect to your title of minister, I would like to ask from what source did you derive your conclusion that Christians should not evangel- ize? I dare say that the source is your own personal thoughts and past- experiences, because it could not have been the Bible. JESUS, IN THE gospel of. Matthew, gave us his final com: mandment: â€œGo therefore and make disciples of all the na- tions . . .â€(28:19)â€˜ The New Testament was originally writ- ten in Greek and if you care to research the Greek word from which we get our English word â€œgo,â€ you will find the meaning to he â€œgo,â€ not â€œthink about Left Wing Editor, Stater: We would like to respond to the letters that appeared in the Stater on April 10, 1986. First, we are laughing at Debra J. Csikosâ€™ letter on un- professionallsm on the part of the Stater staff on April Foolâ€™s Day. While we agree that ethics state that a paper should be as professional and credible as pos- sible, the Stater is written to be enjoyable as well as informative. BEING A student-run news- paper, the Stater will have ten- dencies to be on the lighter side. Those students who do not ap- preciate this and want a paper that has all depressing news, can go to Northwestern University along with all the rest of the countryâ€™s humorless people. Second, as for Susan Jeffersâ€™ HE, NEEDED " 1140' Hi Nor ALTOGETHER SURE WE DID. goingâ€ or â€œpray about going,â€ but simply â€œgo.â€ Why should Christians obey,Jesus when He commanded us to go? I refer you to Matthew 28:18 where Jesus said, â€œAll authority has been givenme in heaven and on earth.â€ If President Reagan or some other man of earthly authority commanded you, Mr. Graham, to do something, you would do it. How much more then should we, as Christians. obey our Lord When he commands .us to go and evangelize the world? I MIGHT NOT be a Christian today if two particular Chris- tians had taken your attitude on witnessing. These two individ- uals approached me in the Hub at the Student Center last year to share the gospel message with me. I became a Christian that day, and since then I have had letter about â€˜Raygunâ€™ politics, we agree that the American troops should not be involved in Nicaragua; however, the sending of aid to Freedom Fighters is not- immoral. As a draft age Ameri- can male, I would not be in- terested in fighting someone elseâ€™s war. Since Ms. Jeffers seems so vehemently against the Contras, maybe she should go down to Nicaragua and assist in fighting them. With women fight- ing for equal rights, we think she should seriously consider this. . But alas, all she says she worries about is being barefoot and preg- nant. Besides, who can seriously listen to a person who is a blatantly horrible speller. THIRD, REGARDING â€œStrange Steveâ€ Clinardsâ€™ letter about tastes in music, we agree the privilege of seeing four oth- ers come to know the Lord through the same type of evan- gelism. Christians are not perfect. They might make mistakes while witnessing and even cause frus- tration and anger in some people, as they apparently have with you. In this, however, they are in good company. Jesus also made people of his day angry; in fact, he made them so angry that they killed him. In conclusion, I would like to ask you a question about your statement, â€œOne can over-com- mit themselves to God.â€ Mr. Graham, was Jesus over-com- mitted to you when he died on the cross for your sins? , Jim Skutt Senior Industrial Design Great Commission Students 'letters forget U.S. . that anyone has the right to listen to the music they want until it impinges on the music listening rights of others. Unfortunately for some people, turning on the stereo is an infringement of their rights. We must all be tolerant of the different people that live on this world. Finally, as for Mr. Hov- ekampâ€™s letter on the Staterâ€™s right-wing tendencies, we think Mr. Hovekamp, Ms. Jeffers and Mr. Clinards should get together and dicuss their â€œbrilliantâ€ left- wing policies. Remember, this is America. David Stresing Mark Williams Jim Sobel Seniors School of Technology Leave room for individuality Editor, Stater: . â€™i We came to Kent State Uni- versity for an education, not for a new religion. We feel that the Christian Crusade Movement (born again Christians) has be- come overpowering in their at- tempts to change ur outlooks on life, morals and religion. As a Jew. a Catholic, a"nd an agnostic, we feel we have established our own views and follow our beliefs accordingly. For other students, who are not quite decided on their beliefs, this movement gives them no room to make their own de- cisions. We believe in the right to choose your own religion and it seems as if the born again Chris- tians have forgotten or just chosen to ignore this part of. the US. Constitution. WE DO NOT push our beliefs on others, so â€˜we feel that we deserve the courtesy of not hav- ing our destiny decided for us. Although we are all very close friends, our beliefs are quite different and we accept and learn, without condemning each other for having different be- liefs. If we can accept each other for what we are, why canâ€™t the â€born againsâ€ accept without trying to change? â€˜ Stacy Pressman Freshman Amy'Curtin Freshman Undeclared Linda Vinke Freshman Studio Art https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/6223b7392ae72b2edd93f196bf7a4bf0.tif a2cfb47a5780a5bf11aacc4fe0b41da8 PDF Text Text 0 FROM PAGE 1 said. â€œFor five years the Unit- ed States has done nothing to resolve the problems between Palestinians and the Israelis. â€œThe Palestinians have po- litical grievances and the U.S. has done nothing to solve these grievances. Two groups of Palestinian terrorists exist, Mattair said. One group seeks political com- promise. â€œThis is the group we could address diplomatically.â€ The other group relies on terror to dismantle Israel. This is the group that is supported by Libyan leader Col. Moammar Khadafy, Mattair said; While diplomacy is an im- portant part of the process, Mattair said it is not the only way to combat Libya. â€œDiplomacy is not the com- plete answer to terrorism,â€ he said. â€œWe could isolate Khadafy economically, along with using military force. â€œIT BOTHERS me that we use military force instead of any diplomatic effort.â€ â€˜It is not too late, Mattair said, to become involved in negotiations with the Arab world. He said the principal players in the diplomatic game would be the government of Israel, Jordanâ€™s King Hussein and 0 FROM PAGE 1 Shevardnadze, casting doubt on plans for a second summit this year between the leaders of the two countries. Shultz and Shevardnadze were to have discussed Mikhail Gorbachevâ€™s visit to the United States to meet with Reagan. EARN $20 TODAY Lack of diplomacy criticized by allies Yassar Arafat. â€œI would consider it unlike- ly, though, that in the next three years, Reagan will get involved in diplomacy,â€ Mat- tair said. * The decision by the Reagan administration to attack Libya will have little domestic conse- quences because there was lit- tle dissent to the action, Mat- tair said. It may even bolster Re- aganâ€™s image as a forceful pres- ident,â€ he said. IN TERMS of foreign policy, the United States has chosen to act alone, apparently without much support from its Europe- an allies, he added. â€œOur allies tend to be more ' sympathetic toward Palestine in general and tend to be critical of the United States, especially the Reagan adminis- tration, for neglect of diplomacy,â€ Mattair said. He cited another factor in the alliesâ€™ decision not to back the United States as the higher stake in trade European nations have with Libya. â€œThey also donâ€™t expect mili- tary use, in itself, to be suc- cessful,â€ Mattair said. Mattair said he thinks Libya can bring terrorist attacks to the shores of the United States and expects that to happen. Soviets protest attack Barely 15 hours after the bombing of targets in and . around Tripoli and the western port city of Benghazi, Libya announced a retaliatory strike of its own against a U.S. tele- communications station on the Mediterranean island of Lam- pedusa. With this ad For your tirst Plasma donation @plasmaallianoe 372 E. Exchange St., Akron, Ohio 376-6873 Opon Sunday thru Saturday * Coupon Expires 4-30-86 In v _ Campus Radio 7 0 AM Conjunction With: PRESENT: B's Down , Throbbing Lobster Recording Artists from Boston O-POSITIVE Wednesday â€™ +. withopâ€™eï¬ningroct f:- Clevelandâ€™s L B O S Ch I starts at 10pm. N.Water St. April 16th 244 Kent. Ohio â€™the winning competitor to as- Daily Kent Stater, April 16, 1986 7 Tab em er to help unofï¬cially 0 FROM PAGE 1 ly Taberner will be hired as a consultant by the University. but added, â€œIâ€™d never say there. is no possibility.â€ Taberner said he is glad to be attending Fridayâ€™s meeting. â€œI want some involvement,â€ he said. â€œThis is all Iâ€™ve asked for.â€ ' He added that while Schwartz believes the memorial can be properly completed without in- put from Taberner, his true in- tent cannot be realized just through the submitted drawings. . CONSTRUCTION of a project is a four-part process, Taberner said. The drawings have been completed, which he said is only the beginning of the first step â€" schematics. The other steps are design development, construcâ€" tion documentation and construc- tion administration. Tabernerâ€™s disqualification has also raised some question about his possible appearance at this yearâ€™s May 4 memorial ser- vice. He said the May 4 Task Force asked him last week â€" before he was disqualified -â€" to speak at the program. Barber reSpeCted within'college 0 FROM PAGE 1 School of Art from 1975 to 1983, Ausprich left his position at KSU has a doctorate in art adminis- tration and higher education July 1, 1985, and began work at . . . Bloomsburg July 15. from the Univer51ty of Chicago. Before being named interim ,OTHER FINALISTS, Mary dean, Barber was an associate Witt?Â» Charles Aurand, Dale dean of Fine and Professional Huffmgton and Robert Mumper, Arts. He has a masterâ€™s degree also have doctorates. â€1 education. Moore said he felt Barber was Schar, director of KSUâ€™s the most qualified. Schwartz. â€œHe said, â€˜Fine, as long as itâ€™s understood he is basically employed by you.â€™ â€ While Taberner will apparent- ly have input in the project through Fahey, â€œthe University is not in contract with Ian,â€ Fahey said. Fahey will meet with Schwartz and University architects â€œto see if Mr. Fahey is capable of bringing this thing to conclusion,â€ Schwartz said. The competition rules state if â€œthe winning competitor lacks the necessary technical ability and experience to realize the design, the sponsor may require IAN TABERNER Will attend negotiations Lisa Sanders, May 4 Task Force president, confirmed this fact Monday. But after speaking with Schwartz Monday afternoon about Taberner, she said the Task Force will reconsider the invitation. It was decided the Task Force is free to bring Taberner to campus if it wants. The Task Force is expected to make a decision Thursday. sociate with such quali- fied . . . consultants â€™or special- ists ofsuch disciplines as the sponsor may determine to be necessary to realize the design.â€ ' The rules further state consul- tants will be selected by the University in consultation with the winning competitor. SCHWARTZ SAID it is unlike- â€œI consider ourselves to be very fortunate to have someone like (Barber), with his record of distinction, already a member of â€˜ the community,â€ Moore said. â€œHeâ€™s quite qualified.â€ Roark said, â€œHeâ€™s shown that heâ€™s capable of carrying out the duties of the job. Heâ€™s done very well the past several months.â€ ..Â« â€˜ 15 4th annual GARAGE SALE Wednesday â€˜ April 23rd Student Center Plaza buy sell or trade' g} ~â€˜p...' a - â€˜ gnu, Jâ€˜Tji'. _â€˜.â€˜v : isaseaaaaaaaeaeeeweaaaaaer-H-ze $2.00 per table egister tor space in rm 224 Kent student center tor more into call 672~2554 sorry no food sales or vendors rain date April 30th ï¬-H-Itâ‚¬444#Qï¬ï¬-Hï¬-Hï¬‚slï¬ï¬‚-ï¬ï¬-HQHEE-ï¬ï¬-Qï¬-H-ï¬-H-Iâ€˜liÃ©ï¬ï¬-lrï¬-ï¬-$ aaaaeeeeee aaaaesesseaaaaaa: https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/51bfbdf9a48ea260e067c036d80289ee.tif daeee9dc194c18e4844749271f47df18 PDF Text Text U-M professor disqualified after winning contest for memorial See PRlZE. A4 - â€œwounds to the earthâ€ representing the nine students who were wounded. d that room, stairs lead out of the me Further along the path is a square. Open air room for assembly meetings. Be- v circular depressions in the earth to repre- sent the four dead students. Opposite these four depressions are nine smaller morial and up to hill. which the design plan says suggests that â€œfrom communi- cation. we can ascend to a higher pla- teau.â€ nin ampus 1 be involved, but I am the ril aney m 5 just incomprehensible.â€ The memorial, to be built along an ex- isting walkway on the Kent State c â€œI am deeply depressed that this has happened," he said. â€œI am deeply dis- â€œThe drawings are very schematic in o nature not developed No details have been talked about, and they intend to go ahead. To have the creative rights to my work taken away from me and realized turhed for the future of the memorial. Mi- by others i chael F designer. protest May 4, 1970. against the US invasion of Cambodia, and nine stu- The memorial will honor four students killed by National Guardsmen during a It is this last point that Taberner finds The disqualification means Taberner most disturbing. -will not receive any of the $20,000 in prize money, his name will not be used on the design, and he will not be involved in the dents who were wounded in the clash. memorialâ€™s construction. There were 698 entrants in the competi- campus tion. 9 The prize for designing a memorial to the Kent State University student protes- Taberner, who along with partner Mi- chael Fahey of New York City submitted the winning design, was disqualified be- cause he is not an American citizen. U.S. was awarded to University of Michigan Professor of Architecture Ian Taberner has been taken away. citizenship at the time of entry into the ters killed and wounded in 1970, which NEWS HIGHER EDUCATION REPORTER By KATHY H ULIK in Kent, Ohio, near Akron, has four large mrmï¬: arose 3â€"525}. 55:5: :35: 3.. :5. .3:â€" m5? 2333:... 4:12... awnâ€"mm :3 :mcqmmmmoa :: =8 2.1:. 263825: :5 3.: 25:21... 5:2: 0.58:: :3 12. 6.5.5:: .3 :5 2.2:. 33:33.5Â»: :8 :25 5.95:2: 2.52:? > 353. 25:5: 98:37:. camâ€":5: mm 9â€"55... :5 .9: amnqmwmmozm. 9:: imam 71:2.â€" :_m camâ€"Esm .mm: c: u 5:. VENâ€"m ï¬‚OZjZ CmG :sz >._ e 6.00 rYYuLese m Hm... 23?? f â€œw v v hrdn . 0 en: memxm:t k â€mgum HDmee an .110 .1 uoPese m c saamomam t M.mm Miceh mc . Ir. 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Â£252.39. 9:: a was: 5. 2:5: :2. 3mm :: 382:8 2.2:. 82 a: @825 32:32: 8:: E:m_:oonm E 222 <2: 05.. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/b01a8ea54fa11b15de281c3b19a15fcb.tif db31da1628a19ba429d0e9d6e2da0c6c PDF Text Text Laughing at the ridiculous ()N THE INSIDE BRIEFS ............... Page 2 EDITORIALS ....... Page 4 SIGNATURE ....... Page 11 SPORTS .............. Page 16 Daily Kent Stater Vof LX No. 103 Kent State University By KEVIN WIGGINS Stater Staff Writer The Reagan administration is â€œthe evil empire,â€ and is attempting to erase civil right laws that were written in blood and sweat, a state senator from Georgia said Wednesday night at the8th Inauguration and Awards Ceremony. O.J. Smith and Georgiann DeCenzo received Student Leader of the Year Awards at the ceremony, which was co- sponsored by Undergraduate Student Senate and the Student Life Office. Also, next yearâ€™s Undergraduate Student Sen- ate officers were announced, notably Rebecca Mitchells as executive director. IN HIS SPEECH, Julian Bond, a Dem- ocrat, said, â€œIf we go forward any faster, it may be hazardous to my health.â€ didate, said at a press conference that he felt â€œa little uneasyâ€ about the US. attack on Libya. â€œThe action was larger than the incident that provoked it.â€ He added he was not sure all care was taken concerning the attack. Leadership, Bond said, is a â€œcommodi- ty in short supplyâ€ today. IN TIIE 16 YEARS since the May 4, 1970 shootings, which he termed a â€œfail- ure in leadership from the White House to the state house,â€ Bond said there has been a rise and fall of American leader- shi ). America has â€œforgotten some of the great lessons of the past.â€ said Bond, adding the first priority is to rebuild Americaâ€™s conscience. Of the award winners, Smith has been president of the Student Leadership De- velopment Board and the Alpha Phi AWards speaker rips Reagan JULIAN BOND Georgia state senator Thursday, April 17, 1986 Guardsmen represented in design By TERRI DIXON Features Editor The National Guardsmen involved in the May 4, 1970 shootings are rarely the objects of sympathy or understanding, but they too will be reflected in the Univer- sityâ€™s May 4 Memorial. Ian Taberner, the creator of the winning memorial design, says the guardsmen are an important part of the memory, not just because of the shootings, but because of what their presence represented â€" a lack of communication. HIS DESIGN IS a walkway behind Alpha fraternity. He has also served as . . . . . . . -_ Elaine Foycik, presrdent of the Stu- ggasurer for the Orientation Honor Socr dent Leadership Development Board. DeCenzo, elected to Student Govern- oJimmie Hicks, Vice presrdent Of Black United Students. ment her freshman year, has served as 0R b L' htb d . d t f th All executive director of Undergraduate C 0 p'g 0 y, pres; endo e ' Student Senate and has been involved ampus rogramming oar ' .- - - - oKevin McIntyre, president of BUS. H Efï¬pï¬lsany actrvrties and programs on oRebecca Mitchells, allocations Kent State happened because of lack . . . _ chairperson for Student Senate. . of communication. (KSU) President AwlzreÃ©tsel{gpgeagÃ©irtsshtigngï¬ï¬lgs Â£18,323: ODaryush Parvinbenam, president of (Robert White) was In Iowa, the tributions to their organizations, were: (See â€˜AWARD,â€™ page 7) (See â€˜GUARD,â€™ page 9) Taylor Hall leading to the Commons. It will have five open-air rooms: four small ones, representing the four students killed, and a larger one for meetings and assemblies. ' â€œThe guardsmen would be reflected in the place of assembly," he says. He said the Reagan administration is opposed to every piece of civil rights legislation passed in the last quarter century. Bond also blamed the current administration for â€œpushing people into poverty.â€ â€œMany businesses feel no need to obey equal rights lawsâ€ because they are not being enforced properly, Bond said. . , . Bond, a 1968. Vice presrdentml can- Advisers to begin auditing groups By KAREN HEMMINGER Stater Staff Writer Advisers of Kent State student organizations have been asked to assume auditing duties for their groups because of a restructur- ing program in Student Life, 00 â€œBobbyâ€ Daniels, associate vice president and dean for Student Affairs, said. Formerly, most advisers per- formed programming duties only. THE RESTRUCTURING proc- ess began April 8 when Student Lifeâ€™s only accountant, Tom Nichols, became the accountant for DeWeese Health Center. No one was hired to replace him. Daniels said the Student Life accounting position is obsolete because of the advisersâ€™ added duties. Exactly how the program will be implemented has not been decided. Ted Hallenbeck, assis- tant Dean of Student Life, will assume some of Nicholsâ€™ respon- sibilities until all of the details are hammered out. According to the directors of two of the primary organiza- tions, Graduate Student Senate and Undergraduate Student Sen- ate, their groupsâ€™ advisers will not have to perform the auditing duties. Robert E. Powell, dean of the Graduate College and adviser to Graduate Student Senate, said he did not know Student Life had an accountant because Graduate Senate has. its own accounting person, Francis Zuppan, who, along with the Graduate Senate treasurer, handles all of the orâ€" ganizationâ€™s accounting and auditing. After the restructuring occurs, Zuppan, an administrative assis- tant in the Graduate College, will continue to do the auditing. Zuppan said he believes the restructuring program will not change his groupâ€™s auditing set- up because â€œwe already have a pretty good mastery of where we spend our money. We already have a lot of mechanisms in place, built in by the Graduate Student Senate, to control this.â€ He said one mechanism is a payment voucher, or request sheet, which displays exactly what expenditures will be made. The vouchers, which must be submitted before funding can be approved, safeguard each or- ganization from going beyond its budget EACH VOUCHER must be approved by Zuppan before any graduate group can spend mon- ey. Georgiann DeCenzo, ex- ecutive director of the Under- graduate Student Senate, agreed with Zuppan that the voucher system is a good tool for or- ganizations to use to keep within a budget. She said she and Hallenbeck are working to make the voucher system mandatory for all or- ganizations receiving allocations from the Student Senate. DeCenzo said her organization will have to make some adjust- ments to the new system, but added that the transition will be smooth. Treasurers of organizations that want Senate allocations must attend mandatory financial workshops before they can re- ceive funds, she said. The work- shops covered budget procedures and the Senateâ€™s auditing and (See 'ADVISERS,'page 7) By ANTHONY ONDRUSEK Steter Staff Writer Strategic Arms Defense In- means for protecting the Unit- ed States against a nuclear at- tack, or it could escalate the arms race. Lt. Col. Simon P. Worden and Peter C. Stein, professor of physics at Cornell University, debated the pros and cons of SDI (Star Wars) Wednesday night in the Kiva. President Reaganâ€™s proposed 'I itiative (SDI) could be a viable- â€œThe fundamental question here is how should the United - States guarantee national se- curity for the decades ahead,â€ said Worden, who is a special assistant to the director of the SDI Organization in the De- fense Department. â€œTHE WAY WE deter the Soviets today is by letting them know that if they should attack us, we would retaliate and try to destroy more of their mili- tary than they destroyed of ours," he said. Worden said the best way to prevent a nuclear strike is to Daily Kent 8 tater /Jeff G/idden PRO-STAR WARS -â€"- Lt. Col. Simon P. Worden debates the use of â€œStar Warsâ€ during a Strategic Arms Initiative debate Wednesday night in the Hive. Differing vieWs presented Will 'Star Warsâ€™ system deter or encourage Soviets? have a strong defense. He said todayâ€™s technology makes that possible and SDI is the answer. â€œThe main objective of SDI would be to stop their missiles in the beginning of flight,â€ he said. Stein countered Wordenâ€™s argument by noting that build- ing a new defense would only prompt the Soviets to expand their nuclear arsenal. â€œThe So- viet Union would have to build a system that could get through our defense and still destroy the (See 'S'Iâ€˜A R, â€™ page 9) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/993845a96899fb296940122914a2e6da.tif db90e17064b8cdff9994e9ebdb19283a PDF Text Text . More members to help Greeks By RON SPENDLOVE Stator Staff Writer Raising the maximum number of members a sorority is allowed to have â€œwill benefit both Kent State and the Greek system be- cause there will be more sorority members getting involved in or- ganizations and activities,â€ said Mitzi Wilson, Panhellenic Coun- cil adviser. Wilson and Panhellenic Presi- dent Jayne Payne decided to raise the ceilings on sorority members from 55 to 60 members after representatives from five chapters voted 4 to 1 in favor of the proposal. The decision will go into effect next fall. â€œIF THERE ARE more girls in sororities, it may help out the â€™ fraternities,â€™ Wilson said. â€œMore guys will check out fraternities because they will see that the Greek system as a whole is becoming larger.â€ With the recent decision, she said, â€œwe are starting to show a growth.â€ Wilson said the Greek system at KSU has been declining since 1970, when the sororities had 85 to 90 members. Currently, four of the seven sororities have reached their limit on the amount of members allowed. Alpha XI Delta, Alpha Phi, Delta Gamma and Chi Omega each have 55active members living in their sorority houses. Wilson said the reason for rais- ing the ceilings â€œis because there are not enough girls to live in sorority houses, to become in- volved in the sororities and to have good scholarship.â€ PAYNE SAID the chapters do not have enough members to fill each office. Wilson said, â€Other colleges and universities have more members to do the same amount of work we do. â€œIf our sororities have more members, there will be less indi- vidual work required. They can then work on their grades without having to worry about sorority activities so much.â€ Wilson added each chapter will be able to acquire as many members as the quota allows. Guard depicted in winning design 0 FROM PAGE 1 guardsmen were called on cam- pus and there was no talking between the students and faculty and guardsmen . . . the com- munication was breaking down. â€œSo from this Iâ€™m hoping that this room is for assembly and for group discussins,â€ Taberner says. The room will hold about 20 to 30 people. â€œFrom that room there are steps at the back, and that would be the only way to ascend out of the memorial. So from com- munication, from meeting with each other, from talking, we can ascend out of the memorial onto For Your Eyes Only '251 W. Main 297-5505 Daily wear contact lenses $39.95 30-day lenses $69.95 Tinted lenses $69.95 Fitting and Examination extra Penningtons ' Barber Sixâ€"0'5 â€˜ 150 N. Water St. Next to Home Savings Regular Cut $6.00 ROTC Military Cut 53.50 8:30 a.m. - 5 p.m. 673-4517 No Appointment Necessary NOW LEASING FOR, FALL SEMESTER GET YESTERDAYS PRICES Kent . Village Studio 8: 1 Bedroom Apartments Available ALL UTILITIES PAID FURNISHED AND UNFURNISHED 6600 Alpha Dr.,Kent, Oh. (Behind Murphy Mart on Rt. 59) 673-6697 the hillside and overlook the place where the events took place,â€ he says. TABERNER ADDS that he sympathizes with the guardsmen. In designing the me- morial, he says he struggled with his emotions toward them. â€œI was fighting with the dif- ficulty about how the terrible acts of the guards versus the acts of the students, and if the stu- dents had done things, like burn- ing down the ROTC (building,) to deserve the guardsmen being there. â€œAnd then I realized that â€" I mean â€" what happened, maybe it wasnâ€™t my choice if I were a guardsmen. What happens if I had signed up for the ROTC . . . and I had gone in uni- form, and my assignment was to go out (to Kent State that day?) â€œYou know when they opened fire, many of them shot into the air. What a terrible thing to have on your conscience. So maybe the guardsmen now suffer more than the nine students that were wounded . . . maybe not.â€ Daily Kent Stater, April 17, 1986 9 Star Wars 0 FROM PAGE 1 United States,â€ he said. â€œIf we proceed with SDI, the Soviets will start on a course of building a bigger arsenal, and they wonâ€™t deviate from that course for at least 10 years.â€ â€œThey hold us hostage, we hold them hostage,â€ Stein said. WORDEN SAID the Soviets already have a substantial laser research program under way, and the United States cannot fall behind. â€œThe Soviets are doing an is debated incredible amount of research on lasers,â€ Worden said. â€œBy the late 19805 we hope to have a laser-based system of defense (SDI) under way." Stein argued that the United States does not have to catch up to the Soviets. 7 â€œWeâ€™re already ahead of them in critical technologies,â€ he said. â€œWhy spend $28 billion when $1 billion will keep us ahead?â€ _ Both men agreed that the best way to deter nuclear war is through arms control. The Upstairs Emporium NATURAL 8. HERBAL TOBACCO 8. SNUFF R LL YOUR OWN? Pesticide-free, Natural Cigarette Rolling Tobacco, Cigarette Papers, Rolling Machines, Cigarette Cases Water Pipes 8. Tornic Reducers Snutl Accessories HERBAL CIGARETTES & PIPE TOBACCO 10% off with Located â€œupstairsâ€ at 245 W. Main St., Ravenna (Above Anita's Clothing) 296-221 5 HOURS: M-Th 'lO-b, Frl 'IO-B, Sat 'lO-S:3O K.S.U. I.D. WIN A KEG HOT DOG EATING CONTEST F or those four menhwomen, or animals that dare to take the challenge and win. 1 Dick: Reed will buy you ONE KEG. Sign ups at 10:00 Contest at 1 1:00 Free Hot Dogs and popcorn From 8-11 ------------------------ ~11â€œ r 7-) I I Ilâ€˜l . x mamas . m: . 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Weekends l to 6 1 {I {ill-11H, â€™ u). % â€˜.'.vlnï¬‚l'|-I'III"â€™i l l l ', l ' â€˜ in" firm â€˜lmâ€˜ â€˜ umâ€œ â€œint 'l"â€œÂ§ill'i Miâ€œ Mi ' mm ' auï¬i'uhiuii. elated-.5..z.-.i;>l>..â€˜i.i-:>. sailegiiua it ï¬‚itagugulgl. akixisagmiails :!$.-,-..â€™w.-_ Ii 1 I l ,l,Â¢â€˜,l.*,~l ) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/913151860f561ace5edc7aff389eaf16.tif 01ace0cb8f7ec061bfb2a3b67220a479 PDF Text Text / state lhursday, Apr. l/, Â«mo/mt UthUII Nth/ 3A K 911 t Sta te memorial designer rebuffed By John McAleenan News Staff Writer An Ann Arbor architect, who designed the award-winning Kent State May 4 Me- morial, has been disqualiï¬ed because he is not a US. citizen, and told he can have no involvement with the project. Canadian-born Ian Tabemer, 31, an as- I sistant professor of architecture at the Uni- versity of Michigan, is to meet tomorrow with university ofï¬cials to argue his case. The northeast Ohio university said the $20,000 prize originally awarded Taberner would be given to the memorialâ€™s co-design- er, Michael Fahey, a Brooklyn architect. Fahey .is a close friend of Tabernerâ€™s. The proposed $500,000 memorial is to commemorate the slaying of four university students and the wounding of nine others by Ohio National Guardsmen during a May 4, 1970, uprising by students protesting the US. invasion of Cambodia. THE MEMORIAL is designed to cut gently through a sloping, tree-shaded hill just west of the actual site of the shootings It features four small â€œcontemplationâ€ rooms representing the four slain students. A walk- way past the circular rooms leads to an open air assembly room. Nine granite â€œgashesâ€ in the earth opposite the small rooms represent the wounded students. â€˜ Taberner said yesterday he had contacted university ofï¬cials last week after rereading the contest rules and discovering the re- quirement that competitors be US citizens. â€œI am totally devastated,â€ he said, â€œnot just for the disqualiï¬cation, but for the future of the memorial. â€œAs I understand it, the university is planning to build it anyway. How they can choose to do this without any input from the primary designer is what is most troubling. The prize is not important now. What is critical is what will happen to my design.â€ TABERNER SAID he was told that university ofï¬cials viewed the memorial as an â€œAmerican problem, that it was American troops that killed American students, and it should be designed by an American.â€ Fahey said he had been contacted by university ofï¬cials and was asked to be the architect of record for the project. â€œIâ€™m very uncomfortable with that,â€ Fah- ey said, â€œeventhough they told me I could employ Ian if I wanted. The fact is I'm not- the architect of record.â€ Kent State University Chancellor Mi- chael Schwartz said yesterday he hoped the problem could be resolved at tomorrowâ€™s meeting â€"- but without Tabernerâ€™s partici- pation in the project. â€œThe rules were stated plainly,â€ Schwartz said. â€œIn fact, we had some inquiries from resident aliens prior to the competition and ruled they would not be eligible. In fairness, we then had to rule against Ianâ€™s further involvement.â€ â€œ... the bottom line is that we now own that design â€" and if nothing can be worked out on a contract with Fahey â€" then weâ€™ll â€˜ build it ourselves with our own architects.â€ F NEWS PHOTO I CHARLES V. TIMES lan Taberner: â€œWhat is critical is what will happen to my design.â€ I â€˜ I ._.â€˜ 4- I A â€˜-â€˜ â€˜ â€˜- https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3ce0e07727928e709c3896f408a29d0a.tif c410bb1b8df33a0bb72b108b0893243f PDF Text Text 4 Daily Kent Stater, April 18, 1986 Daily Kent Stater 100 Taylor Hall, Kent, Ohio 44242 JOSEPH P. POWELL Editor DONA M. TERNAI' Advertising Manager PARIS R. WOLFE Managing Editor Anyone interested _ in apathy at KSU? Hello . . . ? , Is anyone out there? Is anyone even reading this?â€˜ KSU students simply donâ€™t seem to care. Or, maybe they just donâ€™t realize how important it is for them to voice their opinions. In some places, apathy has reached epidemic proportions on campus. Though more than 20,000 students attend the University, only 12 ran for the nine seats on the Under- graduate Student Senate. That low number was matched by the poor voter turnout â€" a mere 967 votes were cast this year. Only 5 percent of the student population voted for the nine people who will allocate funds for student activities, the nine people who will hopefully represent student interests. Why? Could it be that no one really cares if we have a student government? Probably not. Students do want activities. They just havenâ€™t taken the initiative to become involved in the planning. They leave that up to the faithful students who are concerned. But those who are elected have to wonder just who theyâ€™re serving. Those who act as a student represent- atives are probably frustrated because they arenâ€™t getting enough input from KSU students. ï¬‚" fâ€œ i l KNEW (T I a lWAS memo {Mgâ€™g'ï¬‚ oF THIS/f GET METRE lâ€" ' BORDER PATROL. GET ME lMWGRATloN! litÂ». ';;w â€œuâ€œ I. MillL , $290500. DAlDâ€™ KENTSTATER Editor. Stater: This is in response to Debra Csikosâ€™ letter (April 10). Loosen up! You obviously canâ€™t appreciate a simple at- tempt at humor that is ap- propriate for the occasion. April Foolâ€™s Day is a day that is his- thy-inn" iiiiii A Fnr nlnninn inna- Preâ€"journalist is too uptight taken in its context on that day. IT WAS MEANT as a lampoon of the seriousness that usually fills its pages. It was not meant to ridicule anyone except itself. We have found that people who take themselves and the world too seriously all the time are your opinions. That is an impor- tant part of joiirnalism â€" one you will learn once you are a real journalism major. Students who have been here longer will tell you that the April Foolâ€™s issue is usually the best one â€" one they keep after https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/045cd62f70cde8e2c608056e7a36e77e.tif f4c788c13429f8039f99b507b6161382 PDF Text Text Bargain basement air fares, terror- ism-inspired trip cancellations and travelers â€œshoppingâ€ agencies for deals are forcing two leading Metro Detroit travel agencies to start charg- ing fees for their services. The move is in keeping with a national trend in which travel agents in highly competitive markets are seeking to shore up proï¬ts eroded by- escalating air fare warsâ€˜ and volatility on the international travel scene. â€œWe feel we are actually paying the traveler to travel,â€ Elliott Samson, whose Southï¬eld-based Greatways Travel Corp. is a major force on the local travel scene, said yesterday. Samson said officials of his firm would meet Wednesday to ï¬nalize nuun iravm in van Lullâ€˜ â€so--- charging â€œadministrative feesâ€ on Thursday, following a wave of major trip cancellations that started with the bombing of the West Berlin disco two weeks ago and increased after the United States bombed Libya on Mon- day. The fee does not apply to issuing airline tickets and other routine func- tions. â€œWhat weâ€™re being hit with right now is so many cancellations of trips our agents have spent hours working on that we need to do something to compensate for that wasted time,â€ said the ï¬rmâ€™s president, Annette Langwald. . But she emphasized that the fee, ranging from $25 to $50, would be â€˜ serve as a deposrt Ior cnents wnu actually book the trip. â€œIt will only be collected if a person cancels,â€ said Mrs. Langwald, who also operates Cruises Only! Traditionally, travel agents have been paid strictly by the travel indus- try through commissions on bookings for transportation, tours, complete travel packages and lodging accom- _ modations. Airline ticket sales â€"â€" a $50â€"billion business last year and growing â€" generally account for 60 to 90 percent of an agencyâ€™s business. According to industry ï¬gures, it costs a medium-size agency an aver- age of $16.50 to issue airline tickets and it takes a $178 ticket just to break even. Anything less represents a loss. Kent State to use design I Kent State University said it will use a prize-winning design for a me- morial to slain students even though' it wonâ€™t have to pay the designers. .. One of the designers was disqual- iï¬ed from receiving the $20,000 first prize in a memorial design contest sponsored by the university, and the other refused it. . Michael Schwartz, Kent State president, yesterday reafï¬rmed an earlier announcement that Ian Taber- ner, 31, a Canadian teaching at the University of Michigan, was disquali- ï¬‚ed from the award because he is not a US. citizen. SCHWARTZ SAID the univer- sity, located in northeast Ohio, then attempted to award the $20,000 prize to Michael Fahey, a Brooklyn archi- tect. .-,','fÃ©i~,vr,1":ri- :; -;.- ' But Fahey, a close friend of Taber- ner, refused the award, saying he felt his participation in the design was minimal and that the money should go to Tabemer. owned the design and would â€œ(uselthe designâ€ to erect the memorial, which will mark the May 4, 1970, killing ,of four' students, and the wounding of nine others, by Ohio National Guardsmen driring an anti-Vietnam Correction A person interviewed by The De- troit News at the Main Post Office on Fort at Trumbull, in an income tax deadline article Wednesday, falsely identified himself as Dr. Bernie Ve- - â€˜ . this story. lardo. protest demonstration. The design is of a sunken walkway with four circular openings in the ground. It features four small rooms . â€" _ representing the four slain students." Schwartz said the university ' â€™ f} A WALKWAY past the circular rooms leads to an open-air assembly room. Nine granite gashes in the earth opposite the rooms represent the wounded students. PHI Sorority members Ann Brennan (from left), Mar: Tracy Pointer ,of Gamma Phi Beta paint their i entry in the Paint the Rock Contest at Michiga The artistic efforts yesterday in East Lansing VI of upcoming Greek Week festivities for sororith â€˜7" Schwartz said he met with Fahey' Hone 31'ny the key to free 1 and Tabemer but refused to comment on the meeting. On Wednesday, Schwartz explained that the rule that the designer had to be an American citizen was stated plainly. _ Neither Fahey, 24, nor Tabemer, could be reached for comment. â€˜ The Associated Press contributed to MACKINAC ISLAND â€" College students often are forgetful, but one may have set a record for tardiness in returning a room key this week to a Michigan school that closed its doors nearly a decade ago. , , The key to room 566 at Mackinac College on Mackinac Island, founded by TV evangel rived with no school is now a â€œWhoever is to stay free fr Trankina, the 1 er. The room n https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/62cd62092eacdff7fa91052d4210c78f.tif 823c90a38f7edb6e6c3c79a2abb5aace PDF Text Text IDA/THE DETROIT NEWS/Sunday, Apr. 20, l986 6 0 Uâ€"M prof - battles for memOrial , Prize design barred over citizenship By Richard Willing â€™ News'Statt Writer . _ A [University of Michigan assis- tant professor of architecture remains â€œcautiously optimisticâ€ that he will have some say in how his design for a. memorial to slain students at Kent State University will be executed. â€œWe had a meeting Friday with the: president of Kent State University, and I remain cautiOUsly optimistic that an arrangement can be workedâ€œ â€˜ out,â€ Ian Taberner said Saturday. â€œThe university still takes the po- sitibn that it owns my design, with or V without my participation. and 18 will- ing to build it without me rat her than go to the second- place design.â€ ',Iâ€˜aberner 31, who designed the award-winning â€œMay 4 'Memorial,â€ was disqualified from receiving a $20,000 prize posted by the Ohio university because he is a Canadian. The rules of the design contest limit- ed entries to US. citizens. â€œI made a mistake, I didnâ€™t read the rules before entering, and I have no claim to the prize,â€ said Taberner, who has a fellowship to teach undergraduate and graduate design courses] â€œBut I would like to have a leest something to say about how the proj- ect. is executed. I donâ€™t see how they can take the position that Iâ€™m out of it, that I donâ€™t exist.â€ Taberner and his partner, Michael F ahey of the Pratt Institute 1n Brook- lvn, met with Kent State president â€˜ Micl ael Schwartz Friday and, ac- cording to I'lâ€˜aberner, â€œwill meet again.â€ Fahey, whom Taberner de- scribed as his partner, refused to azcept the $20,000 prize because his. participation had been minimal. The award-winning design, which â€˜Iâ€˜tbemer conceived last fall. would Cowimemorate the slaying of four stuÂ»: dents and the wounding of nine oth- ers during a protest against America:1 s invasion of t.â€˜-ambo(lia on May4 , 1970. 'lâ€˜abernerâ€™s design includes ZOO-foot walkways through a tree- shaded hill just. west of the shooting site. four circular â€œcontemplation roomsâ€ ten feet in diameter, and a central meeting place about 40 feet square. lrnn Mnnnfain man Mark Durocher does a radio broadcast from his roottop perch. A monthon the re Deejay raises $6, 000 for chddren ,By Jim Szabo and Terrl Szabo. News Special Writers CADILLAC -'- Disc jockey Mark Durocher came down from the roof of a McDonaldâ€™s restaurant after living there a month in a tent warmed just slightly by the french frier vent pipe. He roughed it to help provide aâ€˜ comfortable place to stay for parents wanting to be near their seriously ill children in pediatric hospitals. Durocher was met by about 30 people who gathered at the McDonaldâ€™s to greet him on his de- scent. In an emotional scene at the restaurant, Durocher grabbed and held onto two children, Jacob Schnit- ker, 8, of Manton, and Nicholas LaÂ» Londe, 5, of Mecosta, when he came down from the roof. those two children,â€ said Durocher. â€œIâ€™d do it again,'but itâ€™s nice to be down. I donâ€™t feel disabled anymore.â€ The roof-sitting was a stunt to promote a special, fund-raiser for Ronald McDonald "Houses at Chil- drenâ€™s Heepital in Detroit anrliMott Hospital in Ann Arbor. 'lâ€˜he restauâ€" rant donated 25 cents for every large order of french friesâ€˜ sold during Dar-- OCherâ€™s monthlong camp out. The promotion raised more than $5,000 from french fry sales and another $1,000 in cash donations. KJF-FM Station Manager Brue 'Eichner, thought up theâ€˜ idea and Durocher agreed. So on March 19 Durocher climbed the roof of the McDonaldâ€™s on US- 131, _1it1:hnd his tent on three inches at mow and huddled through thr- 111.3111; :15. the temperature dropped to '3 . â€œThere were a lot of doubters that; Iâ€™d stay up here after the first wool; " . . said Durocher, who called the weather â€œI HAD a hard time letting go of â€˜u a good test for the tent.â€ DUROCHER, A native of â€™Iâ€˜ay~~ De traiter charged . in ' gem theft A Detroit man was charged in lyn, N.â€˜Y.,â€™Ihursday1no1ning outÂ» side Southfield with the kidnaping of a the Howard Johnson Motor 11111 :11 it) h 101, broar rooftop fr ings and r throughm He car twice brief exit storm pas â€œ'lâ€˜he V in being d on everyo1 banking.â€ â€œFreddg vent didnâ€™ helped kee got used tr 1.1111111 vii)! if M. time:- to 1.1 hardly alt breakfast : came by 11. (Jars pa trians wou "Friday wild.â€ D111 night at 2 on his ten day at a startling," https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/057510e648abcdba0bd892beb5ca5282.tif 260865f5142f1f895f016c56d740d492 PDF Text Text Record breaking line ON TIIE INSIDE BRIEFS ............... Page 2 EDITORIALS ....... Page 4 , SIGNATURE ....... Page 13 i SPORTS .............. Page 20 , aily Kent Stater VOLâ€"â€˜LX No. 105 Kent State University Dal/y Kant Stater/ Tim Ros/re LAUGH TUNES - Judy Tanuta plays the accordion as part of her comedy act at the Budweiser Comedy Tour at University Auditorium Friday. See page 16. Tuesday, April 22, 1986 Fahey rejects prize for May 4 memorial By M. MITCHELL MURRAY and TERRI DIXON Stator Editors Michael Fahey, winner of the May 4 Memorial Design Competition, rejected his $20,000 prize'Friday at a meeting with KSU officials. KSU President Michael Schwartz is uncertain about what action the Univer- sity may take as a result of Faheyâ€™s decision to refuse the award. FAHEY, AN ARCHITECT from Brooklyn, N .Y., met privately with Schwartz and several other officials Fri- day afternoon. Ian Taberner, creator of the winning design, was also present at the meeting. Taberner, an architecture instructor at the University of Michigan, was dis- qualified because he violated the competi- tionâ€™s rule requiring US. citizenship. Taberner is a Canadian citizen in the process of obtaining U.S. citizensip. Fahey said he could not accept the prize for something he did not create. Taberner designed the project in Michigan, but ' . ,__often consulted Fâ€˜ahey by phone_ â€œI didn't want to be called the winner,â€ Fahey said. â€œItâ€™s just personal integrity â€™ that I didnâ€™t accept an award that wasnâ€™t mine.â€ Schwartz indicated Monday that he re- spects Faheyâ€™s decision. â€œI take my hat off to him,â€ Schwartz said. â€œHe stood on an ethical principle . . . I respect him for .it very greatly.â€ â€˜ THE UNIVERSITY, which will retain ownership of the design, is now expected to consult with the American Institute of Architects, the KSU board of trustees, and its attorneys, said Schwartz in a written statement following the meeting. Schwartz and other officials were scheduled to discuss Faheyâ€™s credentials as an architect at the meeting. But Schwartz said neither Fahey nor Taberner were licensed to practice architecture in Ohio. adding that a re- gional architect may have to be hired. No matter Who the University hires as the architect, Taberner said he wants to be involved with the development of the Memorial. â€œI want recognizable artistic input,â€ he said. â€œI donâ€™t think Schwartz understands that an architect has creative rights to a project and that his input is important.â€ Taberner said he is concerned if he does not have input in the construction of the Memorial, â€œit will not be built as it was designed. â€œTHE POSITION IS the University now owns the design and that they have the right to realize the design (without my input.) I disagree,â€ Taberner said. He said the fact that he was dis- qualified from the competition does not permit the University to use his design without credit to him. â€œThatâ€™s illegal,â€ he said. â€œI have sought legal counsel to know where my rights are,â€ Taberner said, ladding, â€œI am familiar with copyright aws.â€ Paul Spreiregen, adviser of the com- petition, declined to comment on the possibility of lawsuits stemming from the controversy. Taberner said he would prefer the University recognize the need for his input and for the situation to be resolved. (See 'WINNER,â€™ Page 12) 'Clustersâ€™ courses to be eliminated By ANDREA LOUIE Stator Staff Writer The Educational Policy Council voted unanimously to abandon the â€œClusters of Concernâ€ courses in Experimental Pro- grams on Monday. The council decided to abandon the courses with the provision that the subject First issue may decide Burr's fate matter be addressed under the â€œSelected Topicsâ€ heading within Experimental Programs. THE PROGRAM WOULD, under its recommended phasing plan, stop offering the Clusters courses beginning fall semester, 1987. Robert G. Scheren, assistant dean of the Honors College, said the change would give the program more flexibility in course titling and credit hour allotment. â€œThese are very important topics,â€ Scheren said, â€œbut every time we wanted to make a change in the course title or selection, we would have to come before (the Educational Policy Council). This way, we have a lot more flexibility.â€ Under the heading â€œSelected Topics,â€ Scheren said Experimental Programs could have the freedom to make changes on its own. The Clusters issue was one of five proposed changes in Experimental Pro- grams requiring council action or dis- cussion. â€˜ At the request of Terry Roark, provost and vice president for Academic and Student Affairs, the other four proposals (See â€˜EPC,â€™ Page 12) KSU crime rate is By LISA KATZ Stator Staff Writer With its first issue being dis- tributed to students today, the end may be near for the Chestnut Burr magazine. The allocations subcommittee of the Student Publications Poli- cy Committee recommended Monday to eliminate the Chestnut Burr in an effort to cut costs. The recommendation to the SPPC followed the sub- committeeâ€™s meeting Thursday. â€œTHE ALLOCATIONS com- mittee recommends the Chestnut Burr be eliminated as a publication due to past his- tory,â€ the report said. It also suggested $2,000 traditionally used for a senior section be re- allocated to either the Daily Kent Stater or the Spectrum magazine. The subcommitteeâ€™s report showed budget requests ex- ceeded available funds by nearly $27,000. A total of $135,955 in publication funding was re- quested in the 1986-87 budget proposals submitted last month by the editor of each campus publication. The proposed magazine budget is $22,197, compared with $25,700 for the Spectrum, and $74,346 for the Daily Kent Stater Pro- posed budgets for the Stater and the Chestnut Burr are down 13.6 and 38.8 percent respective- ly. The Spectrum budget re- quest is up 47.6 percent from last year. â€œJudging from the recommen- dation of the subcommittee, clearly we have a problem,â€ said Richard A. Bredemeier. as- sociate dean for Student Affairs and chairman of the SPPC. â€œWe have to do something.â€ He said the recommendation is only a proposal, which was sub mitted by a portion of the sub- committee. One of four subcom- mittee members, Joseph Harper, director of the School of Journal- ism, was not present when the recommendation was voted on Thursday. Harper said he re- alizes cuts must be made some- where, but does not support the recommendation to stop publica- tion of the magazine. â€œI TOLD THE committee to- day I am opposed to killing the Burr,â€ Harper said. â€œIt (the proposal) is just the recommen- dation of the subcommittee to the full SPPC.â€ Harper, Bredemeier and com- mittee member Jimmie Hicks said the issue would be discussed in more detail at the SPPCâ€™s next meeting on April 28. Hicks is vice president of Black United Stu- dents and serves on both the (See 'REACTION,â€™ Page 7) state â€™3 second In west By SAMUEL WOLUCHEM Stator Staff Writer Crime is a problem that faces college campuses around the country, but Kent State Univer- sity has been able to put a grip on violent crimes within the cam- pus. According to the latest FBI Uniform Crime Report, KSU re- corded the second lowest number of violent crimes among eight state-supported universities in Ohio. The report showed that KSU recorded only three violent crimes per 10,000 students in 1984. For the period, KSU had one rape, two robberies, two arsons and two assaults. How- ever, theft and property crimes were high. THE STUDY compared KSU with University of Akron, Cleve- land State University, Miami University, Ohio State Univer- sity, Toledo University, Wright State University and Youngs- town State University. Statistics for 1985 have not yet been published. John PÃ©ach, director of KSU Police, said KSU has such a good record because many people, in- cluding the University president, are concerned about security on campus. â€œPresident Michael Schwartz _ is very involved in making sure that all measures and efforts are (See â€˜KSU,â€™ Page 7) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c70cf95e6126751471e96283969870a3.tif 060a6ca646d2ac5c72956b6a14aa89a4 PDF Text Text 12 Daily Kent Stater, April 22, 1986 Winner rejects prize; fate of money unclear 0 FROM PAGE 1 â€œI feel cautiously optimistic we will come to a resolution soon where all parties will be satis- fied,â€ he said. â€œIâ€™M JUST TIRED of the poli- tics. I just want to get on with it (construction of the Memorial, )â€ he added. Since Fahey has rejected the award, it is unclear what will happen to the $20,000 in prize money. The competition rules make no provision for the winnerâ€™s rejection of the prize money. Spreiregen, who wrote the competition rules, declined to comment on what should happen to the $20,000, saying it is the concern of the University. Schwartz said the money may be returned to the National En- dowment for the Arts, which provided a matching grant of $90,000 to fund the Memorial Design Competition. However, after auditing its design competition expenditures, the University may be entitled to some of the $20,000 to offset costs, Schwartz said. Though the University has dis- qualified Taberner from the competition, the May 4 Task Force intends to bring him to campus as one of the speakers for the 1986 May 4 program, said Lisa Sanders, Task Force presi- dent THE MEMORIAL will com- memorate the deaths of four KSU students and the wounding of nine others by Ohio National Guardsmen on May 4, 1970. The design that was selected by the University includes a pathway, four round rooms to honor the slain students, and a large assembly room. Opposite the rooms will be 13 gashes in the ground, each representing the students who were killed or wounded during the incident. Represen DKS is 1001a eople Who W See Dona Temaiâ€™ Application ' Kent, Stater this Fall semester. n for 1:9 . - p h on more t an . for Advertising Manager deadline is APâ€œ sponSible '130. 1985 Daily Ken! Stater/ Jeff G/idden Ian Taberner walks the area where the May 4 Memorial is scheduled to be built. SCHOOL OF MUSIC STATE UNIVERSITY presents KSU PIANO SHOWCASE featuring KSU PIANO STUDENTS and Guest Artist EUNICE PODIS 8:00 pm. Thursday 8. Friday, April 24 8. 25 Carl F. W. Ludwig Recital Hall $5.00 for each evening Tickets available at the door all seats are general admission Books Prices have been SLASHED 50% on General Reference -At The University Bookstore All sale books marked with 7/2 Pubhsher overstock from: Plus many selected titles â€˜ from our own shelves! In The Student Center BETTER HOMES & GARDENS EERDMAN'S VIKING/PENGUIN ALL SALES FINAL NO FURTHER DISCOUNTS NO LAYAWAYS _ THEUNIVERSITY BOOKSTORE EPC votes .to end 'Clusters' 0 FROM PAGE 1 were returned to the program â€œfor further consideration, re- finement and discussionâ€ until the next council meeting May 19.- PAYING ALL Experimental Program instructors in â€œsome form,â€ extending the letter grad- ing system to all classes, and expanding the name of the pro- gram to â€œExperimental and Inte- grative Learningâ€ were his other proposed changes, Scheren said. He said he also wanted council to discuss the establishment of â€œcapstone coursesâ€ for junior and senior students which would eventually be included in the Liberal Education Require- ments. The programâ€™s major concern was that it had no written agree- ment with most of the instruc~ tors. Scheren said. â€œSome of our instructors are paid University faculty, some are volunteer, and some are paid by outside agencies,â€ Scheren said. â€œ(Experimental Pro- grams) has an ethical and moral obligation to the students, but what is the relationship between those volunteers to the Univer- sity'?â€ ' Scheren said he wants all Ex- perimental Program instructors to be given University status of some kind -â€" â€part-timeâ€ or â€œad- junctâ€ status â€"-â€" for non-faculty members. â€œIF ANY SERVICE to the University is valued, we should pay for it,â€ Scheren said. â€œIt doesnâ€™t necessarily have to be an exchange of money, although that is the most common form.â€ Stipends for graduate assis- tant instructors might be an al- ternative form of payment, Scheren said. These proposed changes were part of a â€œsincere attempt to increase the quality of the ex- perience in Experimentals,â€ Scheren said. 'Debt czar' is proposed WASHINGTON (AP) â€" A bill that would establish a â€œdebt czarâ€ to help improve debt col- lection and credit management by the federal government was announced Monday by Rep. John Kasich, R-Ohio. Kasich said it became obvious to him something needed to be done when the General Account- ing Office reported the federal government was owed $64 billion in delinquent debts. ., https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1e9a458ad790d851faeec02ef487695a.tif 9a04a869bfdcdb3da5654208eb1f580a PDF Text Text - __~r â€"~_â€™.â€˜ Taberner stripped of memorial by bigotry By Andrew Cohen In 1912, an astounding native American named Jim Thorpe beat the pants off the finest set of athletes that had ever been asâ€" sembled at an amateur meet by winning both the pentathlon and the decathlon at the Olympic Games in Sweden. He broke barriers and he ' broke records. He was awarded not only two Olympic gold med- als, but a jewelâ€"encrusted model of a Viking ship by Swedenâ€™ s king. ' A few weeks later, a vitriolic sportswriter with a thing about Indians â€exposedâ€ him as a â€œprofessionalâ€ athlete: it seems that while attending Indian school, some of the boys, among them Jim, used to break up their summers by playing bush-league baseball, for which. they got paid the equivalent of meal money. JIMâ€™S BIG mistake was in not being deceitful enough to adopt a pseudonym. Because of his lack of deceit, a small-minded man was able to strip Jim Thorpe of his Olympic medals and the Swe- dish kingâ€™s. Many years later, long after the damage had been done, his medals and the Viking ship were returned by a contrite Olympic committee. They had been encased for years. The athletes to whom they had been offered had refused them, saying simply that Jim Thorpe was the best athlete in the world. His name and his records were re-entered into the Olympic re- cord book after he was dead. In 1970, a few tired National Guardsmen and a vitriolic gov- ernor, who at this moment, is trying to regain his past glory, turned a demonstration of sym- pathy by Americans for the peo- ple of Cambodia into a bloodbath. The Cambodians were secret- ly having the piss bombed out of them at the time, and this was the cause of righteous indigna- tion on the part of many, and some stupid high jinks on the part of a few. IN ANY CASE, the guards fired and the rest is history. Soon - we will have four small rooms and thirteen gashes overlooking the site of this event. Add one gash to that. Ian Taberner, who is the pri- . mary designer of the memorial, may not accept the prize for having designed it. It will be built. KSU President Michael Schwartz said so. But neither its creator nor a hastily arranged surrogate will share in the building of it. Ian Taberner has only lived here half his life. He is not an American citizen, merely a Canadian trying to become one. He has been disqualified. Ian Taberner has been Jim Thorped. WHOSE IDEA was it that only AmeriCans may enter this con- test? I wasnâ€™t there in 1970, so I donâ€™t know for sure, but Iâ€™ll bet there were foreign students at the demonstrations of that era. Suppose an African student, exorcized at the thought of Third World babies being blown to smithereens, had been among 4-231 is those shot or killed? Would that have qualified an African entry into the Memorial Design con- test? Suppose a Taiwanese stu- dent, strolling to class, had been hit by a stray bullet. Would that have disqualified an entry from the Peopleâ€™s Republic? In trying to rectify old wrongs, the jury has created another one. That is a mistake. Ian Taberner won. The jury said he won. His citizenship. what- ever it is, is irrelevant. Give him his prize and be gracious about it, as he was about admitting to what amounts to a trivial error. Foolish conâ€" sistencies have not yet ceased to be the hobgoblin of little minds. Cohen is a senior majoring in Anthropology. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/954f373dc1cbe353a2516aeae2715f45.tif aa461e9d4072d78d2900ac159684a438 PDF Text Text Taberner retained as a consultant Schwartz says there is no first place winner . . By TERRI DIXON and M. MITCHELL MURRAY Stator Editors Ian Taberner, designer of the proposed May 4 Memorial, will have control over the construc- tion of his project after all, he told the Stater Monday. Taberner said KSU Presi- dent Michael Schwartz called him Thursday to tell him the University decided to hire him as a consultant. The decision was reached after Schwartz met with lawyers and with members of the Board of Trustees last week, he added. Schwartz confirmed Monday the hiring of Taberner, but added that this does not mean the University has acknowl- edged him as the winner. â€œAS FAR AS Iâ€™m concerned there is not a first place winner of this competition,â€ Schwartz said. Schwartz conceded that it is important for the designer to be involved in the development of the Memorial. â€œItâ€™s very difficult to do the design without the person who did it,â€ he said. Taberner was disqualified as winner of the Memorial com- petition for violating a rule requiring US. citizenship. Taberner, a Canadian, is a resi- dent alien living in Ann Arbor, Mich., and is in the process of â€˜3â€˜â€œ obtaining US. citizenship. He is an architecture teaching fel- low at the University of Michi- gan. Ever since he was dis- qualified, Taberner has con- tended that he has â€œcreative rightsâ€ to the design and that he ought follow through with it. Schwartz emphasized Mon- day the need to include . . '1 Taberner in the construction MN TABERNEâ€˜Râ€˜ Hired as consultant (See. â€˜TABERNER,â€™ Page 9) Daily Kent Stater Vol. LX No. 109 Kent State University Tuesday, April 29, 1986 Students ' dispute ends in tragedy By DAVID WESTRICK and KEN KRIZNER Stator Staff Writers A Terrace Hall resident said a KSU student, who shot a man and then killed himself, â€œlost his mind and that no court of law or God would hold him responsible.â€ Randal E. Enlow, 27, a senior business management major from Akron, shot himself in the head after shooting 36-year-old Thomas C. Watson Jr., also of Akron, four times in the chest with a .22-caliber gun Saturday morning. WATSON WAS listed in seri- ous condition in intensive care at Akron City Hospital, accord- ing to a hospital spokesperson Monday. He is a graduate stu- dent in political science. Enlow, who was supposed to graduate next month, was pro- nounced dead on the scene by Robert Sybert, Portage County coroner. â€œRandy perceived that Tom was threatening him,â€ said Paul Sebastian, a 47-year-old neighbor of the two men and a doctoral student in business ad- , ministration. â€œHe took it very seriously.â€ Sebastian, from Duquesne, Pa, said the dispute started when residence staff members on Feb. 17 told Enlow he had to let Watson and others use his refrigerator in the dormâ€™s kitchen. Watson accused Enlow of poisoning his (Watsonâ€™s) food after he had become sick, he added. â€œTOM JUST assumed Randy had done it,â€ Sebastian said. â€œHe really had no basis. I tried to convince him otherwise. It seemed to me they both had paranoia tendencies.â€ Sebastian said Enlow and Watson went to conduct court Wednesday. He said both were charged with acting as a detri- ment to others and to the Uni- versity. Ted Hallenbeck, assistant dean for Student Affairs, con- firmed that Enlow and Watson appeared before conduct court last week concerning their dis- putes. . Hallenbeck and David Ochmann, student conduct of- ficer, both said they could not give any details of the-proceed- (See â€˜CAMPUS,â€™ Page 8) Blacks protest violence Members of Black United Students assemble outside the home of University President Michael Schwartz last night to protest perceived racial overtones linked to the Terrace flail shooting last weekend. See related story, page 9. BUS block party erupts in violence Lillich said. One stabbed, three arrested early Sunday By LISA KATZ StaterStaff Writer One man was stabbed Sunday morning and three others arrested as the volatile crowd at the Black United Studentsâ€™ block party was dispersed by police. Carlos M. Brewer, 25, of Warrensville Heights, was stabbed in the back shortly after midnight Sunday near Cunningham Hall. Kent State Police called the KSU Volunteer Ambulance Service, which re- sponded and transported Brewer, who is not a KSU student, to Robinson Memori- al Hospital in Ravenna. . BREWER RECEIVED treatment for a stab wound to the lower back and was released Monday afternoon. â€œHe (Brewer) was taunted and harassed by a group of black males near the plaza,â€ said John Peach, director of the KSU Police. Peach said the group was headed toward the parking lot by the nursing building when the stabbing occurred. It is unclear at this point, Peach said, whether Brewer was involved in an argument or just randomly stabbed. Ted Hallenbeck, assistant dean for Student Life, said he will not approve proposals for future block parties as a result of the Sunday morning incident. Though crowd conduct was orderly for most of the evening, skirmishes and knife fights broke out shortly before midnight, Peach said. POLICE DECIDED to break up the party early as fights spread and the crowd of more than 5,000 continued to grow. he said. A WKSR radio report Monday said Brewer, who is black, told a station reporter he was jumped by a group of black males. Peach and University spokesman Jan Zima would not confirm this report. (See â€˜PARTY, ' Page 8) Large crowd, police shortage blamed in events By ED RUNYAN Stator Staff Writer In addition to the stabbing of a War- rensville Heights man near Cunningham Hall at Saturdayâ€™s KSU block party in the Student Center Plaza, violence and crime were also prevalent in the City of 'Kent during the weekend. Kent Police Chief William Lillich said his department was unaware such a large group of people would be entering the town Saturday, leaving too few po- lice officers to cover the city. The best he could do was double the size of his normal Saturday night staff. â€œIt was not out of control, but we didnâ€™t have as many people (police of- ficers) out as we would have liked,â€ HE NOTED the department assisted KSU police Saturday evening by trans- porting suspects to Portage County Jail and earlier in the day when a KSU student in Terrace Hall shot another student and then fatally shot himself. He said the number of KSU police handling the block party was â€œabsolutely inadequateâ€ for the size of the crowd, but the University did not ask for of- ficers from his department to fill in because they knew of his own (the city departmentâ€™s) staff shortage. A Kent police dispatcher said 24 ar- rests were made from Friday to Monday morning, which Lillich said is nearly double what would be expected on a spring weekend. But he added that for the size of the crowd, the violence â€œwasnâ€™t that bad.â€ He said Saturdayâ€™sarrests and vio- lence were the result of â€œgood weather, a lot of people out, and a lot of extra people in town." LILLICH SAID although some of the problems at Kent State and in the city were caused by students, â€œas much or (See â€˜WEEKEND,â€™ Page 8) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/019ff400d97295ca2d372578005720d4.tif 4ecd4f322ce95cc35231ab760db6b621 PDF Text Text Shooï¬‚ng spurs BUS protest Outrage at the Universityâ€™ S handling of the Thomas Watson shooting spurred a Black United â€˜ Students march to President Michael Schwartzâ€™s home last night. A predominantly black crowd of about 150 who attended the BUS meeting left Oscar Ritchie Hall and marched to the presi- dentâ€™s home where they sang â€œWe Shall Overcomeâ€ and the Black National Anthem. They were urged to march by Roslynn Williams, an audience member, after a lengthy meeting that be- came emotionally charged. Several speakers, including two faculty members, charged that the shooting and other re- cent incidents on campus wer racially motivated. (3 Watson, who is black, was shot four times Saturday morn- ing by Terrace Hall resident Randal Enlow, who then shot an (I killed himself. Ejnlow was white. â€œNo matter how much thi S University would like to say that the Tom Watson case was not racially motivated, thatâ€™ S hogwash,â€ Edward W. Crosby, chairman of the department of Pan-African Studies told the as- sembly. Crosby said Watsonâ€™ case was â€œongoingâ€ and that th University had treated Watsonâ€™ S (E 5 case and others inconsistently, and had drawn out conduct pro- ceedings where whites were charged. Members of Watsonâ€™s family attended the meeting and partic i. pated in the march, which began about 10:45 pm. and ended by 11:15 p.m. â€œWe as black people will no longer stand for any injustices against us as a people,â€ Kevin McIntyre, president of BUS, told the crowd. He led the march. Schwartz, reached by phone, declined to comment on the inc dent. i. Daily Kent Stater, April 29, 1986 9 Taberner hired to serve as consultant 0 FROM PAGE 1 process â€œif you want to be faithful to the intent of the design.â€ He added that Taberner will be involved in decisions about the selection of materials and lighting and safe- ty of the Memorial. â€œI WILL BE employed by the University to oversee the design, selection of the architects, and construction of the project,â€ Taberner said. â€œThis is all I ever wanted,â€ he addedâ€ Taberner and Schwartz Wit. meet Monday to â€œnegotiate (Taberner's) involvement in the project,â€ Taberner ex- plained. Schwartz said the contrac- tual negotiations will be com- pleted privately. After Taberner was dis- qualified, Schwartz told him he would have no involvement in the project. Michael Fahey, a New York architect and Tabernerâ€™s partner in the OPEN 7 DAYS 4 PM - 2 AM MINIMUM $4.00 DELIVERY project, was named team lead- er in place of Taberner and was to take over the duties as architect of the project. Fahey, however, rejected the $20,000 prize and said he does not feel he should be in- volved in the project. â€œITâ€™S NOT REALLY neces- sary for me (to be involved,)" Fahey said Monday. â€œIan is very capable of handling it himself. Itâ€™s not that difficult of a project.â€ Fahey said he is glad Taberner will oversee the project because it will not be â€œpassed to .someoneâ€™s hands who wasnâ€™t intimate with the project. â€œHe was the designer. It would be under his supervision, so heâ€™ll be able to carry out the intent of the project. Itâ€™s won- derful,â€ Fahey said. Schwartz stressed that hir- ing a consultant is separate from the competition. There- fore, he added, he doubts any- one will question the legality of FAST DELIVERY 688-7484 I6â€ X-IARGE PIZZA WITH 5 ITEMS mealtiiazastm.221; CLUB 088-3804 I2â€ MED. PIZZA WITH 5 ITEMS s 500 Free Sub-Coke â€DANEFRF' Monday thru Saturday 12 noon till 2:30 am. â€œThe Perfect Place For â€˜ Your Bachelor or Group Party" . BUSINESSMENâ€™S LUNCHES!â€˜ INIIIIE nous or IIIS llfli â€˜I MRS MAY 2. the Universityâ€™s interest in re- taining Taberner. But if anyone does â€œweâ€™ll just have to cope one way or another,â€ he said. The competition rules state the University â€œhas the right to retain such professional and technical assistance as it sees fit.â€ . TABERNER SAID he is un- sure at this point just what his exact involvement will be. â€œI imagine I would work in con- cert with the University,â€ he said. Construction of a project is a four-part process, he explained. The drawings he submitted for the competition is only the first step â€" schematics. The other steps are design development, construction documentation (working drawings,) and con- struction administration (over- seeing construction.) He said he is not so e whether he will be involved in all or just part of the construction process. Taberner also said his salary as consultant has not yet been discussed, but expects to finalize the matter with Schwartz on Monday. Architects of projects such as memorials normally receive a fee equal to 12 percent of the total project, Taberner said. Tabernerâ€™s estimation is that the May 4 Memorial will cost about $500,000 to build, with Taberner therefore mak- ing about $60,000 if he is in- volved in the entire process. Construction of the Memori- al could begin as early as July if the funds are raised, Taberner said. The construc- tion would take three to five months, so â€œI would like to think it could be done before next May 4,â€ he added. Schwartz said funds will be raised privately after a final construction cost is de- termined. Congratulations To TheSpring 1986 ALPHA PHI I nitiates!! Jody Bolchalk Mellissa Irwin Sandra Beth Sechler Karen Wiercinski Kimberly Goddard Lisa Huston Beth Leo - Connie N igro Sondra Brakus mm m- In! Intoâ€œ (soul PRESENT WITH DONNIE IRIS AND THE CRUISERS Free! to all KSU students as part of Campus Week .; ' Friday, May 2, 5:00 pm. On The Commons (Ruin location-Memorial Gym) 50â€˜ KSU students w/ID Food and beverages sold by Food Service â€™1.10fl1) YVQI ILIIIEINI:Jlllâ€˜UIIKV k no BOTTLES on CANS PERMITTED $6.50 non-students r https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3514d73608f1d2d137c2864a209fb229.tif cbafd66ac7844739f9dbe83f896480c3 PDF Text Text 4 Daily Kent Stater, April 30, 1986 Daily Kent Stater 100 Taylor Hall, Kent, Ohio 44242. JOSEPH P. POWELL Editor DONA M. TERNAI Advertising Manager PARIS R. WOLFE Managing Editor Creativity wins out The University has begun to wash away the mess it helped create when Ian Taberner, designer of the proposed May 4 Memorial, was disqualified. KSU President Michael Schwartz has decided he will retain Taberner as a consultant. He is the best choice, considering he created the design. Despite the controversy that crept up when Taberner was dis ua ified for not being a US. Citizen, the Memorial will stil be built. The University has survived, and should not have much trouble raisin private funds. â€˜ Itâ€™s a shame anything ad to go wrong in the first place. But the University opened itself up to trouble when it agreed to a silly rule requiring entrants to be US. citizens at the time of registration. Taberner, a Canadian, is a resident of Ann Arbor, Mich., and is in the process of obtaining US. citizenship. People around the world heard about Kent State. Everyone â€" from Canada to Cambodia â€"- felt the effects of protests that were carried on a wave of student activism. Yet the University played games and foolishly called for an American response to an American event. That wish didnâ€™t quite come true. Though Taberner will not be the winner, his ideas will be preserved and â€œcreative rightsâ€ protected. Schwartz originally contended that the Memorial could be completed without Tabernerâ€™s input, explaining that the University owned the design and understood the intent from the statement included with the winning design. Fortunately for the University and the future of the Memorial, Schwartz has conceded that Taberner must be part of the project. He acknowledged â€œitâ€™s very difficult to do the design without the person who did it.â€ Some people are likely to fault the Universit for retaining Taberner. After all, they might claim that â€œru es are rules.â€ But the University is following the rules 4- even the most insipid one limiting the competitions to Americans. Taberner was disqualified. He wonâ€™t be recognized as the winner. He wonâ€™t receive the prize money. According to the rules, the University â€œhas the right to :etain such professional and technical assistance as it sees jt-Lâ€˜ The competition is over. Schwartz wants Taberner to be the consultant because he is the best choice. Anyone who unjustly interferes with his decision will unnecessarily jeapordize the completion of the Memorial. Itâ€™s time to move on. The University has done its part to clean up the mess by invitin the most appropriate erson to aid in the development of a ong overdue Memoria . Worthy of success Hands Across America, a fund-raising project for the homeless and hungry, can and should be a magnificent event on May 25. The project, which will need about 6 million participants, will stretch 4,152 miles across 16 states (Kent and Akron are included on the route). It will gather together people of different races and sexes. Hands Across America will unite this nation, linking it hand in hand as one body. The project, being run by the USA for Africa Foundation, is just part of a growing interest in helping others. It has been preceded by such efforts as Band Aid, Live Aid, and Farm Aid. . Though some other fund-raising events have generated money for special interests in Africa (to aid those suffering from famine). Hands Across America is concerned about helping people right at home. An estimated 20 million people go without food once a month and another 2.5 million are left homeless. Organizers hope to raise between $50 million and $100 million from pledges and corporate sponsorship. More than 800 celebrities, including Kenny Rogers, Pete Rose, Bill Cosby. and Lily Tomlin, have offered their assistance. It doesnâ€™t even cost much to join. You just need $10 to ensure a space in line. Evaughn Cagle, coordinator of the organizationâ€™s Akron/Canton office, wants â€œbodies to make this thing work." About 80,000 to 100,000 people are needed in a nine- county area that includes PortageCounty. The thought of a human chain reaching across the country may be hard to conceive, but Cagle is confident it can work. Despite the size of the mammoth event and the ex- traordinary number of people required, it can be done. Locally. KSU students. faculty. and staff should join in the event. which is scheduled to start at 3 pm. and last about 20 minutes. Hands Across America asks little from those able to give help to the many people who are hungry and homeless. ENOUGH is ENOUGH! If not, we could look forward to this ,, wow! WHATS THAT Vooâ€˜RE LlSTENlNCoTO? FEPooso â€˜ . DAILY KENTSIâ€˜ATEIZ Miaâ€˜s SOMETHING NEW . MAYBE SOUNDS LIKE HEAW METAL. 1 . l a 7 A Borro- SOCKO ans N'eALs- THAI was "mew/Ans or > DEsPAiRâ€œ FROM/THE FlNAL BALD! Hoo or THE CHALLENGER CREWâ€œ... A RECENTLY Recoveeeo LlQUlD BASEMENT? /., FLieHrâ€" . {H mm RecoRDER ' TAPE PROM I AWANHC...; " BLOODâ€"HUNGRY NEWS MEDlA , wno REALLY ooew'ro invesneATETHE Went '5 RinTNQIâ€"To-KNOW lâ€™ Libyan raid the only way to deal with terrorist acts By David M. Bornman President Reagan should be commended for the recent air raid of Libya. The people of the United States should support this action, even though the short-run terrorism against Americans will increase. We as a people have a collec- tive responsibility to encourage our president andâ€˜ pressure our legislators to let this attack be a first step towards a new US. policy against terrorism. Re- taliation must become an inte- gral. permanent part of Ameri- can foreign policy. WE AS A NATION should ignore world opinion and the pro- tests of those who seek to under- mine us. The attack on Libya has been called â€œthe American ag- gression.â€ This is an Orwellian distortion of the most extreme kind. Moammar Khadafy has taunted Reagan personally, and the United States as a nation, with heinous acts of murder. When the leader of a nation openly murders the citizens of a superpower he or she should be prepared for the consequences. Khadafy was given repeated warning about his murderous be- havior. The recent events in the Gulf of Sidra should have in- dicated to Khadafy that Reagan was not joking. Some have said the US. at- tack against Libya was a vio- lation of international law. Such statements indicate extreme naivete on the part of the person making them. Khadafy does not recognize, let alone obey, in- ternational law. For example, present maritime law permits a country to claim the waters of a gulf as its own only if the mouth of the gulf is less than 24 miles wide. The Gulf of Sidra is 264 miles wide. If Khadafy does not does not recognize national law, how can the US. use international law to control, or even moderate his behavior? We cannot. IT WOULD BE stupid for the US. to subject itself to interna- tional law when dealing with Khadafy. Yes, we did kill inno- cent citizens and a baby. But their blood is on Khadafyâ€™s hands, not on Reaganâ€™s or the United States. Khadafyâ€™s actions precipitated the US. attack. Some legislators have stated Reagan was not in compliance with the War Powers Act of 1973. That is not true. The resolution states the president must consult with Congress â€œin every possible instanceâ€ before introducing the armed forces â€œinto hostilities or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circum- stances.â€ The phrase â€œin every possible instance,â€ because of its am- biguity, gives the president a great deal of latitude. In short, the phrase is open to broad in- terpretation. Also, it should be noted that Reagan did consult with key Con- gressional leaders before the at- tack. Further. the engine of reso- lution, which was designed to Respect and c00peration By Cynthia Biggers-Cleveland Kent State University serves as an employer for hundreds of people. Many people have more than a decade of service here, each of which Iâ€™m sure have put a fair amount of time, energy and dedication into their jobs. But, as with all places of employment, conflicts arise be- tween employees. It is very im- portant to display a professional attitude in a working atmosphere because it becomes difficult when there is disharmony among the workers. EACH PERSON HAS their own individual blueprint; we all come from backgrounds that are similar and different at the same time. We can all relate to the fact that KSU is a melting pot. The point Iâ€™m trying to make is that people manage to be disrespectful to each other. At some point in time they develop an unprofessional attitude toward their fellow co~workers. I have noticed that some thrive on confusion and deception, and conflicts are always present. Itâ€™s true that some people get along better than with others, but it doesnâ€™t give us a reason to be disrespectful toward one anoth- er. We shouldnâ€™t let our own likes and dislikes influence our personâ€" al attitude. WE QUICKLY LOSE sight of our goals when we assume the prevent a president from engag- ing US. troops in an undeclared war. requires the president to withdraw troops in 60 to 90 days unless their continual presence is approved by Congress. SINCE TROOPS were never introduced. the most important part of the War Powers Resolu- tion is not applicable to US. air raids. Some have said the US. should address the grievances that lead to terrorism. Undoub- tedly most terrorists have legit- imate grievances, or what they believe to be legitimate griev- ances. But terrorism must never be allowed to yield a single fa- vorable result for its practi- tioners. Any state or organization that engages in terrorism must be made to realize that any terrorist act results in an automatic for- feiture of all peaceful and legit- imate redress of grievances. No one has said the attack will bring an end to terrorism. Khadafy is certainly not the only perpetrator of terrorism. But Khadafy is a good place to start. This intolerable man needs to be stopped with deadly force. Any grievances he may have were nullified by his murderous acts. The top priority of the Reagan administration should be the extinction of Khadafy. Born man is (1 junior major- ino in finssirin/Internritional Relations needed roles of hrown-noser, tattle-tale and gossip. We forget that people have feelings and can be hurt. The right approach with a person will get you a lot further. We should always remember when we start to gossip about someone that a professional at- titude in a professional working place works hand in hand. So let us put our jealousies and competitiveness towards each other aside and be nice to one another. We would get more done when everyone is cooperating and there is peace in the office. Higgvrs-('Irâ€™râ€˜cland is (I recep- tionist for the University ofâ€" ,I'icvs on the second floor offhe Library. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title News Clippings, May 4 Memorial Design Competition Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1986-04 Description News clippings regarding the Kent State University May 4 Memorial Design Competition, dating from April of 1986. 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This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> Publisher Publisher of the original item. Some of the content included was originally published by the Akron Beacon Journal. DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Ian Taberner papers Subcollection Location Box 89 dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Injured students Kent State University. Administrators Memorials Reactions, Responses. Students May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/200854814a1a789dce283ccb9690973e.tif 1f169c2fbeb8515e563f0f31a5651914 PDF Text Text 20A/THE DETROIT NEWS/Thursday, May 1, W86 Design Winner, school to meet Architect seeks a role in building Kent State project By, John McAIeenan News Stait Writer 'Ann Arbor architect Ian rlâ€˜aberner -â€"â€" jthe winning but disqualified deâ€" signer of Kent State University's May 4 memorial â€"â€"- plans to meet with college officials Monday in hopes of â€™ achieving a major role in construction of the $500000 project. flâ€˜aberner. an assistant professor of architecture at the University of Michigan. said he had been offered a consultantâ€™s role by the university to oversee the building of the memorial, which is being erected in memory of theistudents killed and wounded May It, 1970, by the Ohio National Guard. The shootings occurred during a cam- pus protest over the Vietnam war. â€˜fFâ€˜or me, this is good news and Iâ€˜m cautiously optimistic," 'lâ€˜aberner said. He said the offer, which came from Kehtâ€˜ State Chancellor Michael SchviIartz last week, may also give him a voice in the selection of the super- vising architect. â€˜nlâ€˜a'berner said he would meet with SehWartz next week to discuss details of the assignment. Taberner is scheduled to speak at special ceremonies Sunday commem- orating the 15th anniversary of the slirï¬itings. The university announced the winner of the. $20,000 memorial (le- sigï¬ competition April 4 --â€" but later disgualified â€™lâ€˜aberner when he in- formed them he is a Canadian citizen. FtLE PHOTO Ian Taberner: â€œThis is good news and I'm optimistic." 'lâ€˜aberner, who has lived in the United States since 1970, said he overlooked a US. citizenship requirement in the competition rules. The cash prize was also forfeited. His winning design, selected from nearly 700 entries, consists of a sunkâ€" en walkway across the hillside, with four circular openings off the walkway to represent the four slain students, and an open-air auditorium. A series of marble gashes in the earth would represent the nine wounded students. After disqualifying 'lâ€˜aberner, the university attempted to have his asso- ciate and close friend, Michael Fahey of Brooklyn, N.Y., designated the winner. Fahey refused, saying his contribution had been minimal. News wire services contributed to this report. .. â€˜0 A. Â«â€54" ' " ' Prices effective thru May 4 ACTION SH 0 save 34 Womenâ€™s Aerobic Shoes insole. White in sizes 5-11. Reg. 12.99., terry 888 save s2-34 Sporty SprintsÂ®Joggers, black in boysâ€™ 101/2-6, menâ€™s 61/2-13. Fteg. 10.99-12.99 -â€˜..J I, â€˜.~ â€™ k. . II..........â€™..' 0' ~. . . .. . _...â€œ-. I ,.~â€™ ".â€˜ v- . ..-... A"' â€˜s. .Iâ€"' v / .,I . 4 /, ...... Â«mun: , - 'tllh OPEN NIGHTS Ah https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/69f93c4117de8baa71a52d007fe69c28.tif d92fc0d89bbf64a59d78bf39041799f6 PDF Text Text Events leading to May 4 ON THE INSIDE BRIEFS ............... Page 2 EDITORIALS ....... Page 4 CLASSIFIEDS ..... Page 14 SPORTS .............. Page 16 _ Daily Kent St ater Vol. LX No. 112 Kent State University Friday, May 2, 1986 PROTEST MARCH -â€" More than 200 marched Thursday to protest the treatment of blacks on campus. , The protesters marched around the Student Center parking lot and ended at the Student Center Plaza. Racial 'disparities' at KSU protested By D. DUKE SLATER Stater Staff Writer More than 200 members of the KSU community gathered Thursday and marched in pro- test of alleged inconsistencies in the "Universityâ€™s treatment of blacks. Of particular concern to the group were perceived ex- cessive applications of resi- dence hall policies involving blacks, disparities in verdicts reached in conduct court hear- ings involving policy violations by blacks, and the general lack of black faculty throughout the University. ORGANIZED BY the leader- ship of Black United Students, the march was followed by a press conference in Oscar Ritchie Hall where black stu- dents offered accounts of inci- dents they allege were mis- handled by the University. Kevin McIntyre, president of BUS, led the protest and ad- dressed the marchers in the Student Center Plaza. Reading from a statement, McIntyre told the crowd, â€œThe disparities in treatment of black students and black people in general by this University must be corrected." He said the retention rate of blacks at KSU was extremely low and called for a University recruitment program to attract blacks, as well as the creation of â€œa more substantive educa- tional support system,â€ to as- sure black student retention and success. He criticized â€œinconsisten- cies and disparity in the treat- ment of black students in resi- dence halls and in student con- duct court.â€ McIntyre announced he would meet Monday with KSU (See â€˜PROTESTORS,â€™ Page 11) l Watson favors march Says blacks should stand, . be counted By STEPHANIE MASON Special to the Stator Thomas Watson J r., a graduate student in political science, ap- pears to be in good spirits. â€œThe strength ainâ€™t gone,â€ he said from his bed in Akron City Hospi- tal Wednesday night. Watson is in good condition following a shooting last week- end in which he sustained four bullet wounds to the chest. Ran- dal Enlow, a business man- agement student, shot Watson before committing suicide. â€œIâ€™M AMAZED and so proud that the students have responded so favorably with consciousness and dedication that allows those in authority to realize that we cannot be pushed around,â€ he said. Black United Students marched to University President Michael Schwartzâ€™s house Mon- day night to protest the Univer- sityâ€™s handling of alleged inter- racial problems which BUS claims include Saturdayâ€™s shoot- ing. Watson is black; Enlow is white. â€œIâ€™m so proud that the students are standing up to be counted,â€ Watson said. Watson expressed a wish to march with the students. â€œIf Iâ€™m not physically there, Iâ€™m there in spirit,â€ Watson said. â€œIf there was anyway I could be there I would. â€˜ â€œTELL THEM to keep up the good work. My prayer and my faith goes out to them.â€ Watson seemed concerned about falling behind in his re- search. â€œIâ€™m going to be back to the forefront soon.â€ Watson spoke normally and laughed with his visitors. Watson said he had not talked to reporters earlier because â€œI made statements. Those pre- vious statements were not suffi- cient enough to avoid this prob- lem.â€ (See â€˜BUS,â€™ Page 7) Soviets say radiation levels decreasing at Chernobyl Associated Press MOSCOW â€"- The Soviet Union Thursday reported another de- crease in radiation at the Chernobyl nuclear power station. A government statement said 1_8 of the 197 people injured in the accident are in serious condition. IN STOCKHOLM, Sweden, the head of Swedenâ€™s Natâ€™unal Radi- ation Protection Institution said Thursday he has been advised the plant fire has been extinguished. Gunnar Bengtsson said he was told by telephone by the Interna- tional Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna, Austria, the fire has been put out. â€œThis is fresh information,â€ he said in an interview with the Associated Press. He said he understood the agency in Vienna received its information from the Soviet Un- ion. . The report from the Soviet Union. distributed by the official news agency Tass, did not pro- vide many specific details and was vague in its description of (See â€˜SOVIE'Iâ€˜S,â€™ Page 7) surroundings. . â€˜t. ., e . . fâ€œ N ., '0â€™ f â€˜. I 2 W x 41"â€œ; RM , Courtesy memorial design contributer/ George Laetz This close-up of Ian Tabernerâ€™s model shows how the May 4 Memorial will look in relation to its After many years of waiting, memorial to become reality By M. MITCHELL MURRAY Senior Editor Despite controversy surroun- , _. ding the winning May 4 Memo-' rial Design, the University now plans to move ahead with the project and eventually finance it with private funds. Officially, the quest for a the current memorial began in De- cember 1983 when the KSU Board of Trustees authorized the establishment of a May 4 Memorial Committee. However, the idea was ori- ginally initiated by three mem- bers of the May 4 Task force who, in 1982, approached then- KSU President Brage Golding to construct a formal memorial to commemorate the four stu- dents wo were killed and nine others wounded by Ohio Na- tional Guardsmen on May 4, 1970. THOUGH GOLDING re- jected the proposal, the Task Force sought other support from other segments of the campus community. After the Task Force man- aged to obtain endorsements from Faculty Senate, Under- graduate Student Senate, Grad- uate Senate, Black United Stu- dents, and Kent lnterhall Coun- cil, the Task Force brought the idea to KSU President Michael Schwartz who then took it to the board of trustees for approval. Schwartz then appointed May 4 Memorial Committee mem- bers who examined the dc- sirability of building a memori- al. A year later, the committee reported to the board that a memorial should exist on catn- pus. (Sim "Iâ€˜lllilijlthildltï¬‚ Page (i) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/a9ece741ae2bdaf2c2b29cc91cea9c78.tif 24d603a008dd57b75d337e31e6979cce PDF Text Text 6 Daily Kent Stater, May 2, 1986 A review of the events of May 4,1970 Sixteen years have passed since Ohio National guardsmen on the Kent State campus fired into a crowd of students, killing four and injuring nine others. Few of the present students at KSU are old enough to remember May 4, 1970. Many do not know the whole story of the events which led up to the barrage of bullets outside Taylor Hall on that spring after- noon. The events of that first week- end in May, 1970, are recorded below. THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1970 President Richard M. Nixon addressed the nation at 10 pm, via radio and television. He an- nounced his plans to send U.S. forces into Cambodia to combat the North Vietnamese; FRIDAY, MAY 1, 1970 A crowd of 300 to 400 gathered at the Victory Bell on the Com- mons at noon. Another protest was organized for noon Monday, May 4 at the same place. The group buried a copy of the U.S. Constitution, symbolizing its murder. University President Robert White departed by airplane for a meeting in Iowa about 5:30 pm. War-related student demon- strations had occurred before. No imminent danger was felt to exist. A crowd of students who went to downtown Kent Friday eve- ning became a riotous group of 1,500. Joined by non-students at the intersection of Water and Main streets, members of the crowd smashed store windows. Police discharged tear gas, dispersing the crowd. National Guard assistance was requested by the mayor of Kent in a call to Governor Rhodes. SATURDAY, MAY 2, 1970 Some students spent the morning helping clean up down- town. At 8 a.m., a National Guard liaison officer arrived in Kent. President White was contacted in Iowa, but unable to return to Kent because of weather condi- tions. A state of emergency was declared. Bars were ordered to close. About 145 guardsmen, on duty at a truck strike in Akron, were ordered to Kent. University officials were not consulted on the decision. Students gathered at the Vic- tory Bell about 6 pm. and began ringing it. Within half an hour. 800 had assembled. After wan- dering campus, the crowd which by then numbered 1.000 to 1,200, returned to the Commons. It was 8 p m. A flag was burned near the ROTC building Soon after someone tried to set the ROTC building on fire. At 9:45 p.1n.. the wooden ROTC building burst into flames. The fire department's water hoses were cut and students threw rocks at firemen, forcing them to leave. The ROTC build- ing, located near where the Art Building now stands, burned to the ground. The National Guard arrived at 10 pm. and began dispersing the crowd. Several people were in- jured in the process, which took until midnight. SUNDAY, MAY 3, 1970 Guardsmen patrolled campus as Rhodes, Kentâ€™s mayor, chief . of police and commander of the National Guard met at the Kent fire station. Demonstrations were banned, bars closed and an 8 pm. to 6 a.m. curfew imposed. At 8 pm, students gathered on the Commons for a protest of the ban on assembly. Officials read the Riot Act to the crowd just before 9 pm. The students did not disperse and tear gas was discharged. The demonstrators re- assembled at the intersection of Lincoln and Main streets, block- ing traffic and becoming hostile as officials declined to speak with them. The Riot Act was read again at 11 pm. and more tear gas was discharged, dispersing the crowd. MONDAY, MAY 4, 1970 Classes resumed at 8 a.m. Many students had been away for the weekend and were unaware of the ban on assembly. The National Guard remained in town at the urging of the mayor. President White, believ- ing things were calm, left cam- pus for lunch at 11:15 a.m. Aware of plans for a meeting, the guardsmen assembled on the edge of campus. At noon, 1,500 students were already standing l! 24:95 ï¬‚ BL ANKE/T HILL LAKE GYM __1 / PAGODA â€" VICTORY BELL TAYLOR METAL SCULPTURE ANNEX BUILT 1979 MEMORIAL DISTRIBUTION SITE â€™99 â€˜~ 647â€˜ /Oâ‚¬ HILLEL Ã©MEMOFZIAL X 4 M "(0â€™ 4pc BROCHURE POINT The memorial will be located along a path running from Taylor Hall above Prentice Hall, replacing the sidewalk that is there now. on the Commons, and five stu- dents rang the Victory Bell sig- naling the start of the meeting. The National Guard moved to the edge of the Commons. A contingent of 113 guardsmen stood on the walkway behind Oscar Ritchie Hall. An officer read the Riot Act to the group assembied around the bell, but the crowd did not dis- perse. The guardsmen were then or- dered to form a skirmish line, don gask masks, fix bayonets and load their rifles .with live am- munition. At 12:02 pm, they began ad- vancing towards the students around the bell, again discharg- ing tear gas. Students picked up Taberner continues as consultant 0 FROM PAGE 1 In January 1985, the board unanimously approved the com- mitteeâ€™ s recommendation to construct a memorial near Tay- lor Hall. LAST SUMMER the competi- tion was planned to find a de- sign that would â€œneither be accusatory nor heroic.â€ Paul D. Spreiregen, who ad- vised the Vietnam Veteran Me- morial competition in Washing- ton, was brought on as the professional adviser of the planned KSU Memorial. In October, the University received nearly $90,000 from the National Endowment of the Arts. The competition was of- ficially announced nationwide last fall. Though 1,478 regis- tered, only 698 designs were eventually entered by the March 1 deadline. A seven-member May 4 De- sign Competition jury selected the winning entry April 3 and officially announced the winner at a press conference April 4. The first prize of $20,000 was expected to go to the winning team of Ian Taberner and Michael Fahey.â€˜ HOWEVER, Taberner tele- phoned Schwartz on April 6 Courtesy memorial design contributer/ George Last: The memorial will be a walkway carved into the ground near Taylor and Prentice Halls. The four circular rooms at the top of the photo represent the students killed May 4,1970. after discovering he was not eligible to win because he is not a U.S. citizen. Taberner, an architect and teacher at the University of Michigan, is a Canadian in the process of obtaining U.S. citizenship. Despite the problem, Taberner appeared as a winner (See 'MEMORIAL,â€™ Page 7) the tear gas canisters and threw them at the guard. The guardsmen continued to advance, dividing into two lines. One line moved towards Blanket Hill, between Taylor and .Johnson halls. The other pro- ceeded towards the gap between Prentice and Taylor halls and stopped. After proceeding across Blanket Hill onto the practice field, the line turned and moved back towards the hill. Students jeered and harassed the guard during the retreat. AS THE TROOPS climbed Blanket Hill, some looked back. Spectators and demonstrators were now gathered along the edge of Taylor Hall, with some in the Prentice Hall parking lot area. Suddenly, as they reached the pagoda at the top of Blanket Hill, some of the guardsmen turned and took aim. It was 12:24 p.m. Twenty-eight guardsmen then fired 6? shots in a period of 13 seconds. General Canterbury and Guard Major Harry Jones then succeeded in persuading the sol- diers to cease fire. The closest casualty was twenty yards away; the furthest almost 250. Four students died, all in or alongside the parking lot. Nine were wounded. K now/edge of May 4 is Task Force goal By JOHN GEROME Stater Staff Writer Now that the May 4th Task Force has fulfilled the goal of getting an official memorial, the group plans to focus on educating students about the 1970 shoot- ings, the groupâ€™s president Lisa Sanders said. When the Task Force began in 1975, one of its main goals was to get a proper memorial to com- memorate the four students who were killed by Ohio National Guardsmen on May 4, 1970. The group proposed the idea of a memorial to the University in 1982. â€œTHE MAIN PURPOSE of the Task Force since the acquisition of the memorial is educating students about the memorial and the events of May 4, 1970,â€ Sanders said. â€œDorm programs, educational speakers, and freshmen orientation classes will all be part of this processs.â€ Dave Ropiski, a member of the Task Force said, â€œWe need to explain to freshmen what the memorial represents.â€ Ropiski and Sanders agree that freshmen express the most interest in the events of both. May 4. Ropiski said it is impor- tant for the Task Force to inform freshmen about what happened in 1970 because many have ac- quired inaccurate information from their parents. He said the controversy spurred by Carol Paughâ€™s letter 'to the editor in the Daily Kent Stater, where she claimed the four KSU students were justifi- ably killed, was probably the result of this kind of inaccurate information. SANDERS SAID the Task Force may also help raise money for the construction of the me- morial. â€œThere is discussion now on how to raise money for the me- morial,â€ Sanders said. She said the funds may be raised private- ly through concerts and celebrity speakers, or publicly through donations. Sanders said if the money is raised publicly, the Task Force will do all it can to help. â€œDr. Schwartz is asking for our support in the decision he makes,â€ Sanders said. â€œThat de- cision should be made by the time they get things straightened out with Ian Taberner.â€ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/484fc10368fcae5175d7190361dce6b0.tif fa8b41c761ad091686910c52f8b35504 PDF Text Text Taberner to speak at event Slide presentation to show finished memorial By KAREN HEMMINGER Stater Staff Writer Ian Taberner, designer of the May 4 Memorial and now project consultant, will be the guest speaker at the 16th Annual Com- memoration of the May 4, 1970 shootings. Lisa Sanders, president of May 4 Task Force, said a slide presen- tation will be made by Taberner Saturday at 7:30 pm. in the Kiva, during a panel discussion. He will show slides of models that depict what the finished Memorial will look like and pic- tures of where each part of it will be located. ON SATURDAY, during the commemoration ceremonies which begin at noon in the Comâ€" mons in front of Taylor Hall, Taberner will show boards dis- playing his design, discuss his theme, and outline his intentions for the memorial. Sanders recommends that peoâ€" ple wishing to see' the actual model of the Memorial attend Saturdayâ€™s show. For security reasons, she said, the model probably will not be on display during the Commons program on Sunday. In addition to Taberner, Satur- : dayâ€™s program will also feature a panel discussion by five of the nine students wounded by Ohio National Guardsmen on May 4. The five wounded students in- clude: Alan Canfora, Dean Kahler, Joseph Lewis, Robbie Stamps and Tom Grace. They will discuss their reac- tions to the shootings and how it BUS protest supported by Watson .. FROM PAGE 1 Some members of BUS are wearing black. green and red armbands in protest of the shoot- ing. Outgoing BUS Vice Presi- dent Jimmie Hicks said the or- ganization will wear the armbands until the University takes steps to avoid future vio- lence. Memorial conto versy continues 0 FROM PAGE 6 on ABCâ€™s â€œGood Morning America" the following morn- ing. Schwartz was also in- terviewed. Schwartz then said Taberner would be disqualified because competition rules stipulated enâ€" trants must be U.S. citizens at the time of registration. â€œIâ€˜m deeply depressed," said Taberner, who accepted full responsibility. The University then desig- nated Fahey as the winner. After meeting with Schwartz and other University officials, Fahey rejected the prize. Though the University now owns the design, it does not acknowledge anyone as the win- ner. However, Schwartz con- ceded Monday that Taberner would be retained as a consul- tant. â€œIt's very difficult to do the design without the person who did it,â€œ Schwartz said. is still affecting them. At 11 pm. a candlelight march Will begin at the Victory Bell in the Commons and will continue through the University grounds. ONCE THE MARCH ends, at midnight. an all-night candlelight vigil will be held in the Prentice Hall parking lot at locations where the four students were killed. Sundayâ€™s program, beginning at noon in the Commons, will feature the theme, â€œWhat Have We Learned?â€ . Sanders said all the speakers will tie the theme into their speeches. â€œWe want to tie what happened in Vietnam and to the students into Whatâ€™s going on today,â€ she said. Sanders said almost all the speakers will place some form of emphasis on the role of former Gov. James Rhodes in the May 4 shootings. The speakers will especially be bringing his role in the shoot- ings up again because Rhodes is running for governor of Ohio this year, she added. Robert Durr, a graduate assis- tant in Arts and Sciences, will base most of his speech on Rhodes. SANDERS said Durr ap- proached the Task Force a few months ago about doing a speech on the subject of which he has done extensive research. Also speaking will be Sheldon Liss, a University of Akron pro- fessor and expert on Central America, who will discuss what can be learned by tying what happened in Vietnam to what is now happening in Central Ameri- ca. Other speakers will include Sanford Rosen, a lawyer for the May 4 shooting victims; two of the wounded students â€" Kahler and Lewis; and Chic Canfora- Knepp, an eyewitness to the shootings. Sanders said scheduled musi- cal guests will include folk group Blackshoe Buckle; Dave Pearce, a folk-singing regular at Robin Hood Inn; and Paula Ingram, who has participated in many May 4 programs. In the event of rain, the pro- gram on Sunday, which is sched- uled to last until 3 pm, will be held in the Kiva. Daily Kent Stater, May 2, 19,86 Soviets refuse help from United States 0 FROM PAGE 1 radiation levels at the plant, about 100 miles north of the Ukrainian capital of Kiev. â€œEfforts to implement a complex of technical measures continued at the Chernobyl nuâ€" clear power station,â€ the statement read. â€œThe radioactivity on the territory of the NPS (nuclear power station) and the NPSâ€™ settlement dropped 1.5 to 2 times,â€ it said. The statement provided no figures on current or previous radiation data. THE SOVIETS projected an official air of calm Thursday, observing the May Day work- ersâ€™ holiday with the traditional parade through Red Square. The five-sentence statement said there were no foreigners among the 197 people injured in the accident. Official Soviet reports have said two people have died in the accident. â€œMedical assistance is being administered to those affected, of whom 18 people are in seri- ous condition,â€ the statement said. However, Secretary of State George Shultz said that casual- ties were â€œa good measureâ€ higher than reported by the Soviets. ' The nuclear power plant near Chernobyl began spewing radiation late last week and U.S. intelligence sources have said a fire in one reactor is likely still releasing radiation into the air. SOME U.S. SOURCES say two reactors â€"â€" including the one that is burning â€" may have experienced a meltdown. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union has turned down an offer of U.S. aid to help deal with the disaster. - Shultz, with President Re- agan in Bali, Indonesia, said the Soviet Union turned down the offer of humanitarian and technical assistance because " they â€œfelt they had what they needed to deal with the prob- lem." About 80 British and Ameri- can students arrived in Moscow Thursday from Kiev and were taken to a clinic for radiation tests. ï¬‚int 5mm: JNvu-{Hltjq j WERE) 1T â€œ(554mgâ€" https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/fdbdda4ac3d016595d104f0ced7934ac.tif 52b73381d83a96d7bb185ad0ab29e98a PDF Text Text Itâ€™s been 16 years since the Ohio school was shattered by gunfire. Today, the university will pay tribute to those four students killed on campus. But peace does not come easy here, where even the memorial is plagued by controversy. Bv JOHN DUNPHY Free Press Staff Writer ENT, Ohio - This is the day that Kent State University students and officials honor their war dead. None of the four students killed on campus 16 years ago fought in Vietnam, but their names and tragically short lives became as much a part of the war as the combat dead. Moving speeches today, on the lushly green university Commons, are likely to focus on the lost opportunities and unrealized dreams of Allison Krause, Jeffrey Miller, William Schroeder and Sandy Scheuer. But there also will be talk about the university coming to terms this year with its dead and wounded, deciding to memorialize them with structure and symbolism. Kent State, it has often been said, was where the nation found its conscience about Vietnam. Today, many think the university has found its conscience about those who were killed and wounded on campus. There are plans for the universityâ€™s first officially sanctioned. permanent memorial, to the four killed and nine wounded by Ohio National Guardsmen during a 1970 anti- war protest. The memorial would be carved into a hillside on thenortheastern Ohio campus,.which has more than 20,000 M See KENT, Page 68 This photo, left. once symbolized the tragedy of Kent State. where â€" it has often been said â€"â€" the nation found its conscience about Vietnam. . . Free Press Pholo bv PATRICIA BECi< Ian Tabernerâ€™s proposed memorial for the slain Kent State students is not without controversy. Taberner. a Canadian, was disqualified because the competition was open only to US. citizens. Chernobyl: * Fallout of conï¬‚icting information By MARK THOMPSON Free Press Washington Staff WASHINGTON -â€" In the days after the explosion at the Soviet Unionâ€™s Chernobyl Reactor No. 4, estimates of the number of dead ranged from the Sovietsâ€™ two to a United Press International sourceâ€™s 2,000. There was said to have been a meltdown; then came reports of a meltdown in a second reactor, then doubts about whether there was even one meltdown. , Throughout the blizzard of conflicting news accounts, rumors, hearsay and official statements from the Soviet Union and the United States, just one consensus has been reached: It was among the worst nuclear power plant accidents in history. But just how serious was it? And why is that so difficult to answer? Why donâ€™t we know precisely how many people were killed and injured? How can the conflicting claims of government officials in the Soviet Union and the West be reconciled? Why do they vary so much? THE ANSWERS lie not only in the complexities of a nuclear accident and the fact that many of the effects on health may be hidden for years but also in the differing philosophies of the United States and the Soviet Union. â€œIn this country, and in the West in general, thereâ€™s an as- sumption that the peopleâ€™s right to know is the first and most important priority," Dimitri Simes, a Soviet-bom scholar with the Johns Hopkins University, said Friday. â€œFor the Soviet government, what comes naturally is not disclosing information, but on'the contrary, being secre- tive,â€ he said. â€œThe great Russian tradition is that people serve the state â€" they are subjects rather than citizens. The arrangement has worked reasonably well for centuries.â€ The arrangement continued to work after the Chernobyl disaster, as the Soviet government refused to disclose details to its citizens or the world, including what caused the problem and the radiation levels at the site. Since Tuesday, the Soviets have said that two people were killed and 197 injured in the accident. But much of the Western world, suspicious because the Soviets waited at least two days to acknowledge the accident, was prepared to disbelieve those official casualty statements. See SOVIETS, Page 48 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/f85828d49829d5ebe1d577d4736e4aa4.tif 567649fef415c5a17bf59581461080ea PDF Text Text wars. The cuts or wounds are. still there. llut moss and grass grow over Ill)â€œ, MUU quunu. communication, for all pe A... opletospeak, tend to try and feel the sensrbihtiesoi litfupitr. 1 them now.ltishealing.lrâ€˜.very yearyou for the students, guardsmen, residents the situation. Here I just got upset. martyrs, Kent State wounds are healing l 6 years after student shootings KENT, from Page 18 students -â€" most. of them younger than 10 years old when the shootings occurred. That the memorial already is awash in controversy â€" because University of Michigan professor Ian Taberner, the leader of the winning design team, unwittingly broke a rule by failing to disclose his Canadian citizenship â€"â€" is not surprising. Kent State President Michael Schwartz said: â€œAll Iâ€™ve tried to do is give this place back a sense of peace. . . . I sup- pose it was inevitable that we couldnâ€™t finish this without some controversy." CON'Iâ€˜ROVERSY has haunted the university since 13 seconds of gunfire shattered a sunny day 16 years ago. From the beginning, no one has agreed on what happened and why. The memorial seems another chapter in what Kent State sociology professor Jerry Lewis calls â€œa seduc- tive story . . . you canâ€˜t let it go." Schwartz hopes the proposed memorial will help the campus gain a perspective on the shootings. â€œItâ€˜s almost as though you had a death in your family and you never had a funeral. The grieving has just gone on and on. And at this place the grief has been exploited by some people in some pretty despicable kinds of ways." he said. â€œMay 4 has for years been a time when anybody with any political ax to grind came in here to make whatever point they wanted to make trying to tag onto that tragedy. Sorry, I donâ€˜t have any use for that and never did. â€œIt became clear to me for real progress to take place here we had to get perspective and the memorial was the only way to get it. On top of which we have four dead students. In a situation like that itâ€™s just something the place must never forget. It has to be remembered. Itâ€˜s imperative . . . that nobody ever forgets what happened.â€ UNIVERSITY president since 1982, Schwartz is credited with convincing his board of trustees to put together a committee to study long-standing student demands for a permanent memorial. The committee was a gamble, Schwartz said. He went beyond the campus in naming the lO-member panel, picking a friend. Kent Mayor Nancy Hansford, and pharma- cist .lim Myers. He also picked sociology professor Lewis, who was among some faculty members shot at in 1970. Lewis said of the memorial: â€œIt was understandable nationwide you donâ€˜t shoot your kids at high noon. But it happened here, so it hurts likeâ€˜hell. It has always taken a long time for anything to come about.â€ The committee. after some strident discussions that raised the festering issue of blame for the shootings, recommended that a memorial be built. TllF. â€™Iâ€˜OUGIIEST .IOB ahead for Schwartz is raising the $1 million to construct the memorial. He hopes to enlist students at Kent State and the 11.5. Student Association in conducting a nationwide donation drive. Schwartz said no taxpayersâ€™ money will be used to pay for the memorial. That issue is a sensitive one in Ohio. â€œKent. State has always been difficult for the system to manage." said Lewis. The months and years after the shootings were tumultu- ous as grand juries, courts and prosecutors became involved. Some examples: 0 A state grand jury, impaneled in October 1970 to investigate the shootings, exonerated the National Guards- men who fired the shots, and indicted 25 people, mostly students, for rioting. Three were convicted on reduced charges and the remaining cases were dismissed for lack of evidence. 0 After three years of public pressure, the US. Justice Department impaneled a federal grand jury that indicted eight guardsmen on criminal civil rights charges that carried a death sentence as the maximum penalty. The eight were acquitted after a federal judge threw the case out of court for lack of evidence. 0 A US. Supreme Court ruling in 1974 allowed the families of the (lead and wounded students to sue the state and individual guardsmen for $46 million in damages. As the trial was about to get under way. a rift broke out among the families over which lawyer would serve as lead counsel. Former US. Attorney General Ramsey Clark, then in private practice, had been selected but one of the families objected because they considered him a Communist. The job eventually was handled by New York lawyer .loseph Kelner, who lost the case by a 9-3 jury verdict. 0 A federal appeals court ordered a new trial for the families of the (lead and wounded students in 1977, the same year university officials agreed to expansion of a campus gymnasium that would obliterate part of the shooting site. (â€™ampus demonstrations, which failed to block construction of the gym,resulted in the arrests of 193 people. ,. Confrontation: 4 days in May Four days of demonstrations at Kent State University were touched off in 1970 when President Richard Nixon announced the invasion of Cambodia and escalation of the war in Viet- nam. May 1 -- Students buried a copy of the US. Constitution. That night a crowd of students. many drinking. roamed through the center of town, smashing windows. Police dis- persed the crowd and the mayor of Kent called in a contin- ent of 145 National Guardsmen. A second rally was called or noon May 4. May 2 â€" A crowd surrounded the university's Army Reâ€" serve Officers Training Corps (FlOTC) building and the struc~ ture was set afire. Fire fighters were pelted with rocks and some of their hoses were punctured. May 3 â€" Students gathered at the Victory Bell, normally a rallying point after athletic victories. By 9 pm. students were ordered to disperse, and, when they refused, tear gas was fired into the croWd. The students regrouped at the main in- tersjection on campus and blocked traffic. More tear gasâ€˜was fire . May 4 â€" The planned noon rally had been banned by uniâ€" versity officials at the urging of National Guard leaders , but many students were determined to hold it anyway. An order for student demonstrators to disperse was met with chants and rocks. Guardsmen with fixed bayonets and tear gas forced the demonstrators to retreat. The sweep left guardsmen on a football practice field several hundreds yards from their stag- ing area. The guardsmen then retreated as rock-throwing students followed them. When guardsmen reached the crest of Blanketv Hill a contingent of approximately 28 guardsmen turned and opened fire. Four students were killed and nine were wound- ed. â€" John Dunpliy 0 When the new trial started in 1978, federal Judge William Thomas urged a settlement. Under Thomasâ€™ leader- ship, the State of Ohio agreed to pay $675,000 to the families and the 28 defendant guardsmen signed a statement of regret. Much of the settlement money went to Dean Kahler, the . most severely injured of the nine wounded students, and one of two who lives in Ohio. Kahlerâ€™s spine was severed by a .30 caliber military bullet and he must use a wheelchair. Kahler, 36, is a county commissioner in the Ohio University town of Athens. He said the memorial to the shootings would have a healing effect on the campus and in the community. BUT REACTION to the proposed memorial is mixed. Former Kent State President Robert White, who critics say lost control of the university in 1970, called the design â€œdignified." Now retired, White lives in Kent. Mayor llansford is upset with the design. She said the memorial focuses too much on the victims and does not commemorate the community that was torn apart by four days of demonstrations that culminated in the shootings. Arthur Krause of Pittsburgh, whose daughter Allison was killed when a National Guard bullet ripped through her chest, has not been back to the campus since 1977. Krause, a Westinghouse executive, said he wonâ€™t ever visit the memorial to his daughter and the others. â€œ(April 24) was my daughterâ€˜s birthday. She would have been 35,â€ he said. â€œI wanted the green grass, the blue skies and the trees. I wanted the site left alone. That Was ignored," he said, referring to the 1977 gym expansion. Krause said' he will not contribute to the universityâ€™s donation drive to pay for the memorial. But Martin and Sarah Scheuer of suburban Youngstown, parents of slain Sandy Scheuer, are pleased with the memorial. They credit Schwartz for bringing it about. â€œWe have gone to Kent State every year since (the shootings) on May 4,â€ said Sarah Scheuer. â€œWe never had a university president who was sympathetic to us. This is the first one that has had any feelings for what took place." SIX MILES to the west of the campus in the county seat of Ravenna, Fire Chief Larry Schafer said he has no feeling about the proposed memorial. _ Schafer was among the guardsmen who fired at the students 16 years ago. He was the only guardsman identified by name in FBI statements and court testimony as having shot and wounded any student. Schafer was identi- fied in his own statements to the FBI as having shot Joe Lewis, a student protester. Other guardsmen admitted shooting in the direction of protesters, but only Schafer admitted shooting Lewis because he was making an obscene gesture. â€œI suppose it is a good idea," he said of the memorial. â€œI just. wish they would let it die down soon. I promised myself I wasnâ€™t going to talk about. it anymore.â€ ' And U-M professor 'lâ€˜aberner. who led the memorial design team, now must sit on the sidelines and watch the memorial be erected without his involvement. â€œIt was a communications breakdown that caused the events at Kent State,â€ he said of the shootings. ; ,â€˜V.. :f FREE .._._. I Pleasr I : NAM E ADDl :crrv :PHOl Copyni https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/95f744a5a23e65d5603e23d54ee011d7.tif 92702466764c464c9eba83af4801218f PDF Text Text 63 DETROIT FREE PRESS/SUNDAY. MAY 4. 1986 By MARSHA MIRO Free Press Art Critic Ian Tabernerâ€™s design for the Kent State memorial is both a tomb for the spirits of the four students who were killed and a place of healing for those who survive. Taberner. a visiting professor of architecture at the University of Michi- gan. chose not to build a traditionalr monument or a structure that soars above ground â€" architectural gestures that he sees as celebrating humanityâ€™s technological achievements. Rather. his plan is to dig into the earth. shaping a wooded hillside and knoll overlooking the campus into a series of outdoor spaces â€" a mixture of architecture. landscape design and sculpture â€" dedicated to contemplat- ing the events of May 4. 1970, when four students were killed and nine wounded by National Guardsmenâ€™s bullets. THE MEMORIAL would be made of natural materials at the site â€" grass. vines. rock. There are no gates or fences to define it. separate it nor mark a beginning â€" so one can enter the work from most anywhere. The central spine is to be a pathway "carved into the ground. not unlike a scar.â€œ said Taberner. "I think back to the trenches in Europe from the world wars. The cuts or wounds are still there. But moss and grass grow over them now. It is healing. Every year you â€˜7â€˜ m Unusual memorial provid go back. things have grown more and more. Hopefully that kind of natural reconciliation will take place here." Off the path. four rooms would be dug into the ground. Of differing depths. the spaces are to be carved crudely into the natural granite of the hill. â€˜ The spaces represent, according to Taberner. â€œthe absence of Allison Krause. Jeffrey Miller, Sandra Scheuer and William Schroeder. These sanctu- aries nestled in the hillside are places for reflection and contemplation: a container. refuge or home for spirits scattered many years ago in a parking lot. There will be nothing in them. I think of them as spaces of frozen air. â€œOriginally I thought of putting trees or a bench. but there should be nothing there â€" just a space with no interpretation except what the people who go in may bring." Opposite the rooms. nine gashes and four niches will be cut into the earth as marks of the four students killed and the nine wounded. THE PATH widens beyond the rooms to reveal a larger 20-foot-square space where groups can gather. as if in an assembly hall, for sharing thoughts and emotions, a seminar in the open air. â€œI think the whole confrontation was the result of a lack of communica- tion." said Taberner. â€œT his room is for communication. for all people to speak. for the students, guardsmen, residents , v '-rr-vrvwvv.rvvï¬'" w l I Al 4c . . . Free Press Photo by PATRICIA BECK A model of Ian Tabernerâ€™s design for the Kent State memorial. The memorial would be made of natural materials at the site with the central spine as a pathway carved into the ground. of Kent. Ohio. you and me and every- one who has something to say. A reconciliation is necessary for every- body.â€ And from this gathering place, steps lead out of the memorial to the hill. â€œIt was difficult for me to design for this,â€ said Taberner. â€œWhen I design I tend to try and feel the sensibilities of the situation. Here I just got upset. Early on I was 100 percent on the side of the students. I was biased. And then I realized that perhaps the guardsmen suffered too. I hope when this thing is dedicated the guardsmen will be there. What is important now is that these four people. by their absence. have and are able to change the attitudes of people. They are really contemporary martyrs, like Martin Luther King." es space for reconciliation Canadianâ€™s plan for tribute became part of controversy ' Ian Taberner. a visiting professor of architecture at the University of Michi- gan, recently found himself to be a new element in the troubled legacy of the Kent State University shootings. Taberner led a 16-member team. including 10 U-M students. that cap- tured first place April 4 in a national competition to design a memorial to the four students killed and nine wounded during an anti-war protest at Kent State in 1970. Taberner, a Canadian, realized that he was ineligible when he reread the contest rules April 6 and learned that the competition was open only to US. citizens. Though he was praised for his tal- ent. sensitivity and creativity when his design was selected from 698 entries. university officials moved quickly to disqualify Taberner when he made his citizenship known. Taberner has issued an apology to the university and the families of the dead and wounded students. Taberner and co-designing architect Michael Fahey have declined to accept the $20,000 â€˜. I prize money for winning the competi- tion. â€œIâ€™ve always had trouble dealing with what happened at Kent State" in 1970. Taberner. 31. said. When the national competition was announced to. design a memorial. Taberner saw a, chance to make his statement. â€œI feel the importance of the four- students who were killed and their absence today." he said. Taberner said he was in high school when the tragedy occurred. â€œMy English professor came into class and he was very, very upset. He talked about how terrible it was that guns should be brought into academia of all places â€" where we should be able to settle our disputes by talking, not with guns. Iâ€™ll always remember that moment. for the rest of my life. â€˜ â€œIt shouldn't matter that a Canadian designed this monument. because the Canadians sheltered many resisters during the Vietnam War. We were. in a way. 3 art of it." -â€" Jo m Dunplry and Marsha Miro 1 i 1- https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/50aeb22bd73ce8a0ea1f8f6fc925b098.tif f1a2f265726471c308052db3d19bac29 PDF Text Text 10-A ' THE PLAIN DEALER. MONDAY, MAY 5, 1986 â€˜Defeat Rhodesâ€™ is cry at KSU rally- :Anniversary of shootings observed By ELIZABETH SULLIVAN STAFF WRITER The 16th anniversary of the the 13- second blast of shots that killed four Kent State University students and wounded nine was marked yesterday by calls for the defeat of former Gov. James A. Rhodes in the Republican primary tomorrow. About 250 people gathered on KSUâ€™s grassy Commons near the site of the shootings to hear students, witnesses of the bloody end toâ€™ the 1970 anti-war rally and their supporters talk about the need to remember the event and continue protesting injustice and American â€œinterventionismâ€ abroad. â€œThe many wounds inï¬‚icted on this campus are only now beginning to heal,â€ said Bob Durr, 22, a political science graduate student whose mas- ' terâ€™s thesis research is on the civil liberties aspects of the May 4 incident Durr and.others said Rhodes â€" in 1970, Ohioâ€™s governor â€"- inï¬‚amed the stand-off when he called student pro- testers â€œworse than fascists and vigi- lantes.â€ Joseph Lewis, seriously wounded May 4, 1970, when steel-jacketed .30- caliber bullets pierced his midsection and ankle, said the radicals Rhodes referred to â€" the nine wounded -â€" now include a librarian, a social worker. a city planner, an architect and a commodities broker. Lewis is a water treatment plant operator in Oregon. â€œJames Rhodes conspired to deprive me of my civil rights.â€ said Lewis. â€œIndividuals such as this should not be elected and re-elected to public office." It was a theme repeated by every other speaker. Student organizers of â€˜The many wounds inflicted on this campus are only now beginning to heal. â€™ â€"â€"Bob Durr. KSU student the May 4 Task Force are calling for students to cross over their vote, if necessary, to defeat Rhodes in the pri- mary. Alan Canfora, another of the KSU students wounded in the shoot- ings, has started a student coalition to defeat Rhodes. Rhodes, who rarely talks about the incident, has in recent years expressed sorrow about the shootings and said he just did his duty. Some students say they fear that if Rhodes recaptures the Statehouse, a planned memorial to the May 4 events approved for construction at KSU near the site of the killings will never be built.Negotiations between the administration and students for the memorial did not begin until Rhodes left office in 1982. â€œThe families and the people who supported the families were among the smallest civil rights groups in this country,â€ said Albert Canfora, 59, of Barberton. Alanâ€™s father. The group won a 3675.000 federal court settle- ment in 1979 over the deaths and shootings. Now, Canfora said. â€œWe feel concili- ation has culminated in the decision to build the monument." Parents of Sandra Scheuer and Bill Schroeder. two of the four students killed. attended yesterday but did not speak. The parents of Jeff Miller and Allison Krause did not attend. The Krauses have not attended since a 1977 controversy when KSU built a gymnasium annex next to the shooting site. Student task force members say the $1 million memorial will be com- pleted in time for next May 4, and they expect a huge crowd for that commemoration. Many of the speakers yesterday praised the universityâ€™s decision to build the memorial. One speaker was the memorialâ€˜s chief designer, Ian Taberner, recently disqualified from the $20,000 prize because he is a Cana- dian citizen. ' Dean Kahler, 36, confined to a wheelchair since the shootings, spoke ' emotionally about the years since then. â€œThe four lives were not lost in vain,â€ he said. â€œThe war in Vietnam is over.â€ â€œWhen the memorial is built,â€ Kahler said, â€œthere will be a place to reflect, to study, and a place to recon- cile.â€ Kahler, who has attended 12 commemorations since 1970, is an Athens County commissioner. A group of KSU students watching the speeches from a grassy hillside said there were many reasons why so few students were active in protests or Observances these days.College â€œis a middle-management training fac- tory," said senior Michael Myers, 21. Michelle Smith, 23, said students were spread thin between jobs and class- work. Stephen Keto, 27, a sophomore, said students were always apathetic until events fired them up. When that hap- pens, he added, May 4 could happen all over again. . PD/TIMOTHYC.BARMA â€˜ Ian Taberner, Canadian designer of the May 4 memorial to be built at Kent_State University, holds a candle on the spot where KSU student Bill Schroeder lost his life 'lÃ© years ago. Taberner, 31, an assistant professor of architecture at the University of Michigan, was recently disqualified as prize-winner because he is not 0 us. citizen. ELECTION â€™86 .~._ eâ€"_ v. >_. . https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/23ef5c1c63e51d24ed3947f2ed9ca6c9.tif f1ecb17e3c796b34b34067dd7b75b216 PDF Text Text â€œSidewalk 13m; 'Theâ€™plâ€™aiaâ€˜wiâ€™ll 'b'Ã©'located in a wooded area overlooking the KSU Com- ,____ _____., .* _.__ v . -_-_ -1 7 . _ _, 1970 occurred. IAN TABERNER shared the spotlight dur- ing this yearâ€™s May 4 memorial observance at Kent State University. â€˜I was just naiveâ€™ Tabernerâ€™ 3 design for a memorial to the events of May 4, 1970 was hailed by several speakers dur- ing the campus program. Taberner reflects on spurned â€˜giftâ€™ By M. Mitchell Murray Record-Courier staff writer Ian Taberner wanted to produce a gift for anyone ever affected by the shootings that took place. at Kent State University more than 16 years ago. He designed the gift, but it was rejected today by the KSU Board of Trustees before anyone could build it. Tabernerâ€™s gift would have been a memorial com- memorating the events of May 4, 1970. Unfortunately. Taberner made a mistake when he entered a national memorial competition. He violated a rule requiring U.S. citizen- ship. Although he has lived in the â€™United States since 1978, Taberner is a Canadian citizen. He tried to reach an agree- ment with the university ad- ministration so that he could serve as a consultant for the memorial, but he doesnâ€™t think he was any match for university negotiators. â€œI feel that I was just naive. I wasnâ€™t prepared for this,â€ Taberner said, noting that he was not physically or emo- tionally set to face the univerâ€" sity administration in talks aimed at defining his role. â€œThe university has been through quite a few battles and has quite a few scars and (they) are pretty good at these things,â€ he said. Although upset by the universityâ€™s rejection of his memorial design, Taberner said he has no plans to fight the university. He said his design will either be given to May 4 Task Force or the families of the victims for their use. Next fall, the 31-year-old will be on the faculty at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor as an assistant professor of architecture. â€˜ As Taberner leaves the cur- rent memorial picture, he is not not bitter toward the university as an entity. He just regrets that no one will open his gift. The project would have been a major boost to a young career, but Taberner said he was more concerned about what his memorial design would have meant for the future. â€˜ The memorial, a slopmg pathway carved into the ground, would have included four round rooms and a place for assembly. The subtrac- tion of soil was intended to be an act against nature, just like the sunny day in May 1970 when four students were kill- ed and nine others wounded. Taberner thought the memorial could represent the reconciliation that should take place among thosehurt by the May 4 tragedy, in- cluding students, Ohio Na- tional Guardsmen and the local community. He intended for nature to grow over the proposed memorial â€"â€" the large gash in the ground â€"- eventually leav- ing a symbolic scar that would suggest that the gash in the ground was â€œhealed or healing.â€ Taberner hoped people would ask questions about the natural scar and others would â€œlearn to forgive" what hap- pened at KSU. â€œThatâ€™s the most important thing that should happen at Kent State,â€ he said. Ast said the presses the â€œcontainmentâ€ platform ex- Stuueuts were wounueu at Lucauuua ucuutcu uy astenmxa on map. handswoodbaomeiih SawsMï¬nmlheriu Shampa'wumdo Spoaaï¬‚ymodetobond Moisï¬‚uipmeâ€™mhad emupruhdionbyodudy overm'n bpohi. Wwoodï¬ben. repeï¬ngm % PAU 133 Building center CITIZENS - mlddlefield ravenna garreï¬‚sville Your Day I: moutsnnv - - _ _ 7. or: . E- 632- 5254 33.9.2323. 527 430â€˜ 1 ........::z:...~: M 7:30-7:00 Thurs. 8:00-7:00 M 7:30-8:00 and uni-v. T-W-Th-F 7:30-5:30 Sat. 7:30-12:00 Sat. 8:00-3:00 Sun. 10:00-2:00 B T-W-Th-F 7:30-5:30 Sat. 7:30-2:00 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/33ad3d885163af6a4752b62032168eff.tif d1241ffa16464c407462788d37b16d43 PDF Text Text Daily Kent Stater Vol. LX No. 113 Kent State University, Tuesday May 6, 1986 May 4 ceremony 10, 11 and 16. By KAREN HEMMINGER Stator Staff Writer Former Ohio Gov. James Rhodes and the Kent State Uni- versity memorial were the two major topics of discussion at the Kiva Saturday night during a one hour panel discussion. The discussion was part of the 16th annual commemora- tion of the violence that erupted at KSU on May 4. 1970, when twenty-eight Ohio National Guardsmen fired on a crowd of students. THE SHOOTINGS happened immediately after a rally pro- testing President Richard Nix- onâ€™s announcement of his plans to send US. troops into Cam- bodia to fight against the North Vietnamese. During the 13-second bar- rage, four students were killed and nine injured. Saturdayâ€™s discussion fea- tured four of the nine wounded- students: Alan Canfora, Tom Grace, Dean Kahler and Joe Lewis. All four seemed to have Rhodes first and foremost on their minds. During the introductions to the panel, Lewis stated one of the main reasons he came to the commemoration this year was to â€œprotest the possibility that James Rhodes may once again be the governor of this state.â€ Rhodes, a four-time governor of Ohio from 1962 until 1970 and from 1974 to 1982, is running for re-election this year, currently held by Richard Celeste. The mood Saturday night was overwhelmingly against Rhodes. Also on the panel was a KSU graduate student in political science, Robert Durr, who has done extensive research on Rhodesâ€™ involvement in the KSU shootings. Durr said Rhodes was meet the main reasons the shootings happened. â€œThe man (Rhodes) was gasoline on a situation that could turn into fire at any time,â€ Durr said, adding that Rhodes, who visited the cam- pus the day before the shoot- ings, in effect told the National Guardsmen, â€œyou people are up against the scum of America, good luck.â€ KAHLER SAID Rhodes and his administration had the â€œgeneral feeling they should have shot more of us.â€ All the members of the panel said they were perplexed as to why Rhodes has garnered so much popularity that he could feel confident in running for the governorship. (See 'RHODESâ€™,â€™ Page 17) A May 4 Task Force member greets the dawn in tribute to the four dead as he keeps the vigil through the night. See related stories pages Panel protests Rhodes' running Dean Kahler is hugged by former KSU student Evie Morris following his speech at the anti-war rally. Daily Kent Stater/ Wendie Alexander Daily Kent Stater/ Tim Ros/re KSUto study BUS gï¬evances By D. DUKE SLATER Stater Staff Writer The University, following a recommendation by Black Unit- ed Students, will establish a com- mittee to study the policies and procedures of Residence Ser- vices, of the University police, and of the student conduct sys- tem. University officials. including President Michael Schwartz and BUS leaders, formed this com- mittee and acted on other recom- mendations presented by BUS at a four-hour meeting Monday. KEVIN McINTYRE, outgoing president of BUS. later ad- dressed a small audience that gathered in Oscar Ritchie Hall. He told them the committee could make recommendations on policies and procedures, but could not implement any recom- mendation. Jimmie Hicks, outgoing vice president, seemed frustrated with the results of the meeting. â€œThis University is hazardous to the health of black students,â€ (See 'KSU,â€™ Page 7) TRashâ€™k; denied funding Taberner, By TERRI DIXON and M. MITCHELL MURRAY Statar Editors Ian Tabernerâ€™s feeling is opâ€" timistic, but cautious. that the University is finally attempting to move on with construction of the May 4 Memorial he designed. Taberner met Monday with KSU President Michael By KEVIN WIGGINS Stator Staff Writer The Campus Flash and the COSO Communique were not approved for funding Monday by the Student Publications Policy Committee for the 1986-87 fiscal year. The allocations subcommittee report stated, â€œThis recommen- dation is based on the considered opinion that the Flash serves as a publication vehicle for the Un- dergraduate Student Senate.â€ The COSO Communique also was considered by the subcom. mittee as a publication vehicle for the Commuter and Off-Fern- pus Student Organization. LYLE BARTON, chairperson for the allocations subcommit- tee, said the Student Senate and COSO appeared to be using the publications to print information which was essentially about their organizations. Rebbecca Mitchells, executive director of Student Senate, dis- agreed. â€œI think that the Flash is a vital means of communication (See â€™MAGAZINE,â€™ Page 8) 'clientâ€™ University reach understanding Schwartz to â€œnegotiateâ€ Tabernerâ€˜s role as a consultant to the Memorial project. 'lâ€˜llOUGll NEITHER Schwartz nor Taberner would disclose de- tails from the meeting, they agreed an understanding has been established. The understanding is that the University will have the upper hand in the project. Taberner. designer of the win- ning Memorial, was disqualified as winner of the competition for violating a rule requiring US. citizenship. Taberner, a Canadi- an, is a resident alien living in Ann Arbor, Mich. He is an architecture instructor at the University of Michigan. . In the weeks since his dis- qualificatiOn, Taberner has fought to have a hand in the project. He contended â€" and Schwartz agreed last week ~â€" that the design could not be realized as intended unless Taberner was involved in the construction process. After meeting with Schwartz. Taberner told the Stater the future â€œlooks pretty good.â€œ Taberner. who would not dis- close specific information about proposed consulting fees, said. â€œWe're in the process of nego- tiating and bouncing numbers aroundfâ€˜ HE EXPECTS to receive a contract from Schwartz this week, which he will look over with his attorneys. he said. Schwartz confirmed the Uni- versity will present Taberner with a contract. but declined to elaborate on it. (See 'Tâ€˜ABERNER,â€™ Page 16) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/691cb32a8c7b33278168c2c5261ea5cd.tif bdcf8e351f2936ffa470d343003b70a7 PDF Text Text Daily Kent Stater, May 6, 1986 Kent State â€˜ 1 Marching in memon of the four slain at KS By KAREN HEMMINGER Stator Staff Writer â€œAs a student, I think all students should participate in the march, because the si- lence makes them think and they can be where it happened,â€ said Rich Otley, a junior majoring in applied math. Otley was one of more than 150 people who participated in the candlelight march Saturday night. At 11 pm, the crowd gathered around the victory bell and lit the candles they would carry throughout the march. FOUR GROUPS were assembled, repre- senting each of the students, Jeffrey Miller, Allison Krause, William Schroeder and Sandra Scheuer, killed by National Guardsmen at KSU during a protest of then- president Richard Nixonâ€™s plans to send U.S. forces into Cambodia to combat the North Vietnamese. Saturdayâ€™s vigil crowd was predominant- ly college age, but many others were in their 303, members of the protest era and peers of the four slain students. Some couples in their 508 and 603 even braved the 40 degree weather to participate in the event. Even a baby made it through the march, sleeping peacefully in a stroller. Most dressed conservatively in blazers and winter jackets, but a few of the marchers wore headbands, peacebands, multi-colored ponchos and suede jackets with fringes on the bottom. NOT A SOUND was made as the group started toward front campus. The only noise that could be heard during the first part of the march past the darkened Admin- istration Building and Rockwell Hall was the patter of tennis shoes and the swishing of blue jeans. As the line of marchers, nearly a quarter of a mile long, reached the front of the University, they turned right and marched on the sidewalk along Route 59. It was during this part of the trek the silent marchers were barraged by outside elements. People heading downtown in their cars seemed to take a circus attitude toward the marchers, honking their horns and occa- sionally heckling the group as they whizzed by. One girl yelled, â€œNational Guard rules,â€ to the crowd as her car As the marchers continue disturbed, they were bombarde than a dozen photographers ba brick walls or partially hidden Their flashbulbs filled the star] cameras clicked continuously, the images of the May 4 marche whom peered into their candles approached the shutterbugs. ONLY A HANDFUL of onlool the photographers to witness l Some students peered curious darkened dorm windows, their: revealed by the flashing red and of police cruisers on the ground When the group, holding the remained of their candles, re Prentice Hall parking lot â€" the l the four students were shot - the around a marker commemoratil students. The kaddish, a Jewi recited by mourners at public sex recited, and the crowd joined in version of the Lordâ€™s Prayer. Both the faithful and th gathered around roped-in areas d the spots where each of the â€˜ students fell. Inside each area, ual stood silently holding a ctmd Ian Taberner, the designer l tant for the May 4 Memorial, qu candle at the spot where Schi shot. OTLEY KNELT in silence fo minutes beside the area where i killed. Even though he was in i school when the shootings occur! he believes more students his i remember what happened in th parking lot 16 years ago. â€˜ â€œAs long as somebody remen he said. â€œPeople should remen an accident and both sides weri One KSU student, Kathy 1 vocal about students who did m in the march. â€œStudents are fort 4 out of ignorance. They donâ€™t k1 story and impact it had on Ken the rest of the country," she sal â€œImagine, four killed and nin standing up for what they belleâ€œ shame and a total violation of th First Amendment rights â€" thel speech,â€ she added. â€œPeople saying we should forget are the] donâ€™t know what happened.â€ Dolly K ant Stator/ Wendie Alexander " . . A former KSU student (top left) pays his - . , " Â» j memorial. Marchers (left) walk toward tl ' , , - member of the May 4 Task Force (top right) (right) assemble together for prayer and so Rhodesâ€˜ ( 3.. . .- 3 . . . . , . . - -' . â€™t , ': . . ; . . - i . - . . . 4 m , It I 0 FROM PAGE 1 D pop: Chic Canfora-Knepp, an eyeâ€" his ' witness to the shootings and a part sho. of the nine-member panel, said she â€œTh- feels Rhodes still generates so agai much support because of a â€œdis- edge tortion of what happened and what ings, he did.â€ Rhodes helped in a cover- who, up of the facts surrounding the it. incident, therefore keeping â€œj himself clear of negative public- shod ity. He was on the wrong end of an and i incident where â€œAmerican 801- studi diers turned their guns on Ameri- Al can people, without provocation, shouj . without warning." and he should tionl Daily Kent Staler/ Paul A. Frosty nOt be forgiven for that" paigI https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3007bca6fde5e5aa76e972ea03eb8521.tif 55e37bc5216547c384d4eeef8ed4fd3d PDF Text Text orv KSU . her car sped off. continued on un- ombarded by more phers balancing on y hidden in bushes. the stariit night as .nuOusly. capturing i marchers, most of ' candles when they bugs. of onlookers joined vitness the march. . curiously out of 's, their silhouettes 5 red andblue lights a ground below. ding the stubs that idles, reached the it â€"- the area where hot â€" they gathered Lemorating the four , a Jewish prayer Jublic services, was joined ina musical rayer. and the curious n areas designating of the four slain :h area, an individ- g a c dle. asigner and consul- orial, quietly held a are Schroeder was ilence for nearly 15 i where Krause was was in elementary gs occurred, he said ants his age should ied in the Prentice i. yremembers . . . â€ d remember it was des were at fault.â€ Kathy Davis, was ho did not take part 3 are forgetting May y donâ€™t know the full d on Kent State and â€ she said. :1 and nine wounded, ey believed. It was a tion of the studentâ€™s ts â€" the freedom of â€œPeople who are t are the people who ï¬‚ed.â€ pays his personal tribute to the four dead as he places a candle in front of the Hillel :oward the site as they complete their trek around campus. Richard Notestine, a :op right) holds a candle in silent contemplation as the day breaks on May 4. Marchers 'er and song to commence the 12-hour vigil. Daily Kent Stater, May 6, 1986 Dally Kant Stator/ T/m Ratka Dally Kent Stater/ Wand/o Alexander Ã©sâ€™ candidacy a concern for May 4 panel DURR SAID RHODES is still popular among Ohioans, despite e- his negative involvement in the rt shootings, for two reasons: ie â€œThere are people who would be so against him but arenâ€™t knowl- s- edgeable of his role in the shoot- at ings, and there are other people 3% who know his role and approve of c it. 1g â€œA lot of people in Ohio felt the .c- shootings were a really great thing an and said, â€˜Yeah, these people (the 01- students) were criminals.â€™ â€ ri- Alan Canfora said these issues m, should be brought to Rhodes atten- ild tion by the public during his cam- paign. â€œHis record is bloody,â€ said Canfora. â€œBlood is still on his hands and he should have to an- swer to the people even now about what happened. Thatâ€™s why weâ€™re raising these issues today â€" what will he do this time?â€ â€œThe Daily Kent Stater hit it on the head this fall,â€ said Can- fora, â€œwhen they said this man is a â€˜menaceâ€™ and should not be re- elected.â€ CANFORA SAID there is a group working against Rhodesâ€™ ' election called United Students Against Rhodes, adding that if the Republicans donâ€™t reject Rhodes, the students of Ohio and others will reject him in November. Once the students finished shar- ing their views on Rhodes, they moved on to their praises for the new memorial and its designer and consultant, Ian Taberner, who was part of the panel. â€œI THINK ITâ€™S about time the University has taken a responsible step toward the construction of a memorial,â€ said Kahler, â€œand they have finally given it the con- sideration that a memorial de- serves.â€ Canfora said Tabernerâ€™s memo- rial achieves what is necessary for a memorial, being a place of re- flection, thought, comtemplation and reconciliation. He said he just hopes â€œDr. Schwartz, in his inâ€" finite wisdom, gets this issue with Taberner settled peacefully and we get the memorial achieved and built by next May 4.â€ Lewis said the memorial is a moving tribute to the people who lost their lives 16 years ago, but said he felt it would not be com- plete without a description of what happened, because students look- ing at it 40 to 45 years from now may not know the significance of the memorial. Also joining the panel were Sheldon Liss, a University of Akron history professor and Thomas Lough, a KSU professor of sociology and anthropology. Liss rounded up the panel dis- cussion by addressing an audience question about apparent apathy among college students on cam- puses today. He said he thinks students and people protesting in groups in the US. today are much more prolific than 20 or 30 years ago. Their tactics of loud, peaceful demonstrations are much better received and favorably looked upon with respect than rioting â€" a tactic from the past. â€œI think,â€ said Canfora, â€œthey (Reagan and his administration) respect the power of youth and activist groups in America.â€ 1i https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/4d614af6ecac194f71c0fa386d9b860a.tif e4db0f6e34620d17d97f87fe05ac40ff PDF Text Text 16 Â»"e-=â€˜TACO TONTOS 223'â€œ Daily Kent Stater, May 6, 1986 5 {[3 Planned Parenthood We offer a wide variety of confidential services. Physical Examination 0 Birth Control Pregnancy Testing 0 Counseling Affordable Prices , . Clinics at Kent State & Ravenna call for appointment 296-7526 Monday Special Jallsco-Stylo Chlckon Burritos Wednesday Special 50Â¢ off Burrito w/purchaso o! boar/drink Mon. - Sat. 6:00 - 12:30 ONLY AT um L0 eagleâ€œ? Vhen you choose a card or gift from our beautiful selection from American Greetings. University Bookstore AMERICAN CREEIINCS 4 (â€œH C MCMIXXXVI American (iffClHluâ€˜ (imp. Ziggy. â€˜C .lC.ll.XXX'I l'nuersal lâ€™ress S) ndicute Speakers-criticize RhOdes. W remember victims of May 4 â€˜ Sixteen years after the May 4, 1970, shootings, sentiment still runs high on this campus. With the Universityâ€™s selec- tion of an official memorial de- sign and the gubernatorial can- didacy of James A. Rhodes, the annual memorial ceremonies took on new political overtones. Parents of slain students Sandy Scheuer and William Schroeder attended the Sunday memorial. It was the first time Schroederâ€™sâ€ parents attended a May 4 observance. Shortly before noon, they stood vigilâ€˜near the spot where their son was killed. â€˜ Speakers at Sundayâ€™s May 4 memorial ceremonies sharply criticized former Gov. Rhodes as they reï¬‚ected on the 1970 shoot- ings. On May 4, 1970, one day before the Ohio primaries, Rhodes was campaigning for the Republican US. Senate nomination. Rhodes . eventually lost the nomination. Sixteen years later, Rhodes is' running for the Ohio gubernatorial nomination, hop- ing to win an unprecedented fifth term as Ohio Governor. That will be decided in todayâ€™s primary race. ' In a Kent press conference on May 3, 1970, Rhodes called cam- pus protestors â€œthe worst type of people that we harbor in Ameri- caâ€ and â€œworse than the com- munist element.â€ In a speech to a silent au- dience of about 150 on the Com- mons, Robert Durr, a graduate political science student said, â€œToday, on May 4, 1986, you are the problem Mr. Rhodes. â€œThe troops I send today do not come carrying lethal weap- ons, they bring with them the privilege of voting,â€ Durr said. â€œWE DO NOT eradicate those with whom we disagree by slaughtering them, Mr. Rhodes. That was your solution, not ours,â€ he said. â€œToday, we are righteous and it is you who repre- sents the worst type of people we harbor in America.â€ Dean Kahler, one of nine stu- dents wounded on May 4, 1970, was paralyzed by a National Guardsmanâ€™s bullet. Now an Athens County commissioner, Kahler pleaded with voters to cast their ballots against Rhodes. â€œAfter perpetrating the kill- ing of four students and the wounding of nine others, how can we let this man do this to us again,â€ Kahler said. â€œThe best thing we could do is to keep this man from ever serving in the state house again. Mime Rm. 310 KSC FREE An evening of. Storytelling â€˜- Tuesday, May 6, 7-9 pm. Sponsored by: The Art of Mime & Storytelling Class. _ Experimental College. â€˜ j & Science for details. Sign up for Army ROTC Basic (Jamphâ€™ouâ€˜ll get six weeks of i, challenges that can build up your i; i leadership skills as well as your body. Youâ€™ll also get almost $700. But hurryflâ€˜his summer may be your last chance to graduate from 2 9 college with a degree and an ofï¬cers (, 9 commission. Be all you can be. See your Professor of Military Call Major Bob Lombard at 672-2769 i i, or visit Room,109, Wills Hall i, ARMY RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS â€œSixteen years ago, I was 20 years old and I was walking around on this campus on my own two feet. In the past 16 years I have learned how to get around on four wheels,â€ Kahler said. â€œLife hasnâ€™t been easy, but it hasnâ€™t been unbearably hard. Iâ€™m continuing to work within a sys- tem I donâ€™t particularly agree with all the time.â€ Joseph Lewis, also wounded in the shootings, said he missed his sonâ€™s 13th birthday to speak at the ceremony. Lewis said he wanted to speak out against Rhodes. â€œHe had quite an impact on my life and I hope to return that favor,â€ Lewis said. â€œRhodes conspired to deprive me of my civil rights and he was in- strumental in depriving four young people of their lives.â€ Lewis went on to say, â€œIndi- viduals such as this should not be elected or re-elected to public office. . â€œTHEY ARE AT the least an embarrassment to rightâ€"thinking men and women. At their worst they are creators of depression, agony and anguish.â€ Lewis warned Ohioans to â€œbeware of certain elements of political leadership that pay only lip service to their constitutional (See â€˜RHODES, â€™ Page 17) Taberner's role is idenï¬ï¬ed 0 FROM PAGE 1 However, Schwartz referred â€˜ to Mondayâ€™s meeting as â€œfriend- ly," adding that the University has established an understanding with Taberner about his role. â€We made it clear to him â€" and he understood it â€" that weâ€™re the client and all the de- cisions regarding the construc- tion will rest with the University as they would with any client.â€ Taberner, who hopes the de- tails are worked out within two weeks, said he understands the â€œconsultant relationshipâ€ with the University. â€œI donâ€™t have the power. The client is going to get what they want,â€ he said. â€œWe came to a good compromise.â€ SCHWARTZ DID acknowl- edge the need for Tabernerâ€™s participation. â€œBut we do want . him there. After all, he was the designer,â€ Schwartz said. Schwartz said the University is â€œcounting onâ€ Taberner to generate ideas. He added Taberner will be involved in sev- eral aspects of the project, in- cluding the selection of any architects and the construction materials. But he emphasized the Uni- versity must be in charge of the project because it will handle the budget. â€œWe have to be in con- tzol. He (Taberner) understood t at.â€ Taberner said he does not foresee any major conflicts â€" provided neither side makes any â€œoutrageousâ€ new proposals to the project. For example, he said he would be upset if â€œthey pro- pose a fifth room.â€ The design includes a pathway, four round rooms to honor the four students killed during the May 4, 1970 shootings, and an assembly room. Opposite the rooms will be 13 gashes in the ground, each representing the students who were either killed or wounded during the incident. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/5501d5105cea2ac46df1f57d0a4ef8c9.tif e96848de0e7fd74c36c088c96eb06191 PDF Text Text Daily Kent Stater, May 6, 1986 17 Rhodesâ€™ candidacy criticized 0 FROM PAGE 16 responsibilities and legal rights of citizens.â€ Sheldon Liss, a University of Akron professor, told students to renew their spirit of peaceful protest and demonstration. â€œTell those who govern us that we reject their militaristic ways and that in the final analysis â€" our voice shall be heard,â€ Liss said. Ian Taberner, designer of the May 4 Memorial, said the â€œMe- morial must acknowledge the great loss and injury in the hope that such a tragedy will never happen again.â€ He added, â€œLet us pray that we can justify this Memorial by carrying forward the same viâ€" sionâ€ as those for whom it was constructed. Chic Canfora-Knepp, an eye- witness to the shootings, said, â€œIt isnâ€™t enough to carve a trib- ute in the earth to those who suffered injury and death on campus. The world and its future generations must know why we Dally Kent Statar/ Tim Roske REMEMBERING THE PAST â€" Ian Taberner. the May 4 Memorial people remember what happened so it will never happen again. assembled 16 years 380 and hOW designer said during Sundayâ€™s ceremonies he hopesthe memorial helps our rights of assembly were de- nied.â€ to. get a C IiÃ©stgl ut â€™ u r r-.. Magazine TODAYâ€ 10 aunt..- '8 p.m. 2nd Floor .. Student Center .9. ï¬ring I.D. INTEBNMâ€˜TTIONAL DEBATE 0N TERRORISM: A Time to Talk or a Time to Fight Dr. Hotem Hussoini Former Director PLO VS. G. Gordon. Ly â€œMastermind Behind Watergateâ€ VACPB ARTIST LECTURE SERIES ' May 8, 7:00 p.m. Student Center Ballroom PRE-SALE: AT THE DOOR.- â€˜25" Students 5400 Students 55"" Non-Students â€˜6â€˜â€ Non-Students Tickets now on sale at the Student Center Ticket Office https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/2d85961f095fb41da1e133a877894fac.tif 9d5bbb485e4fcbd55b0732d681ca4fd0 PDF Text Text {.K - W~w~wâ€"â€™vrâ€"â€˜ . ... . . r ~ 4 18 RECORD COURIER Ravenna- Kent, Ohio Thursday, May 22,1986 May 4 etched 111 Tabernerâ€™ s mmd By MargaretAnnGarmon < 1 BecordCourier staff writer Ian Taberner, designer of the May 4 Memorial at Kent State University, will always remember the events of May 4, 1970 â€" events that would shape his life and even- his destiny many years later. - â€œI was 16 when the shootings "at Kent State happened. I did not realize thezdepth of what â€™ happened untilâ€˜ the' next' day, May 5. You know how teenagers are -â€" they donâ€™t always pay attention to the news,â€ Taberner said during a recent visit to KSU. . '"I remember very clearly discussing the shootings the next day. I was in Professor Higginsâ€™ Shakespeare class. He devoted the entire class to a discussion of the shootings at Kent State. â€œI remember how upsetting it was to think that an - academic setting would be us- ed to resolve a dispute. A â€™ , university is a place to learn and the last place such an event should have happened,â€ he said. Taberner, 31, is a quiet man who seems more humbled than egotistic about having his en- try chosen out of 700 submitted in a national design competi- tion. He almost seems embar- rassed by the praise that comes with being the center of attention. ' â€œThe greatest honor of my life was being a part of the candlelight vigil and parade this year for the May 4 Com- memoration,â€ he said. Tabernerâ€™s design for the memorial calls for a sloping walkway to be build into a hillside overlooking the KSU Commons, not far from the site where four students died and 13 were wounded during an an- tiwar protest on May 4, 1970. Taberner is eager td begin work on the 'memorial and hopes ground will be broken this summer. Taberner and KSU President Michael Schwartz have been in discus- sion on the memorial design. They are meetings both Schwartz and Taberner describe as positive. â€œIt looks good. We have iron- ed out our differences and the controversy is behind us. We are now on the road to building the memorial.â€ Taberner said. The controversy centered on Tabernerâ€™s citizenship. A Canadian who is in the pro- cess of becoming a US citizen, Taberner works and lives in the United States as an ar- chitect and faculty member at the University of Michigan. However, since the rules for the memorial competition stated that entrants must be US. citizens,â€˜ Taberner was disqualified after being named the winner of the competition. The $20,000 first prize he was to have received also was revok- ed. ' KSU then offered the $20,000 , prize to Michael Fahey, who had worked on the design with Taberner. Fahey turned it down, explaining the design was really so much Tabernerâ€™s. that he was not prepared to oversee construction of the memorial as Taberner Â» depicted it should be. The university since has re- tained Taberner as a consul- tant to work with a university- selected architect on the pro- ject. Taberner said he would like see the forfeited $20, 000 prize go toward costs of constructing the memorial. Schwartz said he agrees with this. but the money in question is federal grant money obtain- ed through the National En- dowment for the Arts, and only the endowment can decide if it can be used for construction. As to when work on ' the memorial will begin, Schwartz said the university needs cost estimates on construction and materials. â€œThen we need to raise the money,â€ he said. As consultant, Tabernerâ€™s duties will include working with the architect of record for the project on schematic draw- ings. â€œAll decisions concerning the design rest with me as president of the university.â€ said Schwartz. Any additions or changes in the design can be recommend- ed by Taberner, but the final decision is Schwartzâ€™s. Suggestions have been made to include a plaque with details of the events of May 1-4, 1970 and planting lilac bushes near the memorial. Lilacs were a favorite flower of Sandra Scheuer. one of the four slain students. _,__..._ ,. -wmhâ€˜... , -- . -- . Â».41 1. _ v~_.r~ ' Ian Taberner https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/021b1850aff6601f22d1178f118e25cd.tif c758c2f5adbdff1774681a24b5b4832e PDF Text Text MON DAY, JUN E30. 1986 A Strong Voice In A Growing Area RAVENNA and KENT, OHIO â€˜ECO â€˜D_COU â€˜ â€" â€˜ 25CENTS Questions cloud memorial at KSU By M. Mitchell Murray RecordComier staff writer The fate of the proposed May 4 Memorial at Kent State University appears to be uncertain because university officials and the designer of the memorial have been unable to come to an agreement on the project. The universityâ€™s failure to reach a contractual agreement with Ian Taberner is promp- ting officials at KSU to eon- sider other options, including choosing another design or holding a new design competi- tion. - â€˜ The KSU Board of Trustees. K 7 qâ€˜, will hold a Special meeting at 9 a.m. Wednesday at the univer- sity library to discuss the status of the memorial. Robert Beck, director of legal affairs for KSU, said that there are three options if the two sides cannot reach. an agreement. Theâ€˜university can use Tabernerâ€™s design without his approval, choose another design or hold a new competi- tion for the memorial design, he said. Tabernerâ€™s sloping walkway " design was selected for the memorial on April 4, but the Michigan architect was dis- qualiï¬ed from the competition J two weeks later because he violated a rule requiring U.S. citizenship. Taberner is â€˜a Canadian citizen. â€˜ - Since then, Taberner and university officials have been attempting to reach an agree- ment concerning ownership of the memorial design, the ar- chitectâ€™s fee and role, if any, in overseeing construction of the memorial. Tabernerâ€™s design had been selected from among 698 en- tries submitted during a na- tionwide design competition. The memorial, a symbolic , commemoration of the events of May 4, 1970, is to be located overlooking the KSU Commons area. Efforts to reach an agree- ment between the two sides ap- {pear to hinge on the extent of Tabernerâ€™sinvolvement in the project. About two weeks ago, the university offered Taberner a $20,000 consulting fee and agreed to pay up to $5,000 for expenses he incurred in preparing the design, acâ€" cording to Lowell Heinke, 3 Cleveland attorney represen- ting KSU. Heinke said Friday that the $20,000 offer was withdrawn because it was not accepted. Taberner, however, said that his attorney, Arthur Rubiner of Birmingham, Mich., accepted the offer last week in . a telephone conversation with Heinke. A letter requesting a formal contract also was mail- - ed to Heinke, he Said. Heinke denied any com- munication with Rubiner last week and said that he had not seen the letter. â€œWe had a com- plete lack of correspondence,â€ he said. Under the terms of the con- tract, Tabemer would have been permitted to comment on the memorial from his home in Ann Arbor, Mich., Heinke said. Taberner said the letter in- dicated that he would accept that offer only on the condition that he have more, than minimal participation on the project. He agreed to grant the university all, rights to the design if a contract is formall signed. â€˜ In return, Taberner asked that KSU respect his â€œcreative rightsâ€ by allowing him to have input throughout the pro- ject, including schematic designs and development of designs and construction documents. â€˜ That way, he said, the (See Designerâ€™s, page 13) wâ€" ,.'l J_ o --.J- - _. .1 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/780551a3d3d5ee71d4faa5f607e6fac4.tif 1861b091b3f2d91c6636c428e6be3743 PDF Text Text United Press International SEVERAL THOUSAND people demonstrated' in Poznan, Poland, Sunday, after leaving church ceremonies com- memorating the thirteenth anniversary of events in Poz- _ nan in which dozens of workers were killed by security forces. The banner reads, We want law, freedom and Solidarity. ' ' â€˜ Fire ravages slum 1n jungle city LIMA, Peruâ€" High winds and low water supplies hampered .7 efforts to fight aiireihat roared through a slum of theAmazon ( From page 1) original intent of the design would be preserved. â€œWeâ€™d have to have a rela- tionship where we (Taberner and project architects) worked together. I: should have a strong voice in this,â€ said Taberner, who would .have received $20,000 as the design competition winner if he had not been disqualified. Though he would lack owner- ship if a contractis completed, Taberner said the university could not â€˜claim that someone else created the design. â€˜ â€œIâ€™m net the winner, but Iâ€™m still the designer. Iâ€™m the ar- chitect, who [created the design,â€™f_~said the 31-year-old Taberner, who is a teaching fellow at the University of Michigan. . '5 According to Heinke, Taberner passed up at least two other offers. â€œAt one point, I personally offered $15,000 with expenses, plus allowed him to come to campus to comment to his RECORD-COURIER Designerâ€™s role, pay at issue heartâ€™s delight,â€ he said. When Taberner passed that offer up, Heinke. suggested $20,000 and the expenses Taberner would incur while commenting at the university. But Taberner did not accept has considered suing Taberner for the cost of the design com- petition, which Heinke believes cost abOut $200, 000. The issue of ownership of the design is complicated by Tabernerâ€™s disqualification â€˜More than anything else, I Want the memorial to be built. The money 1s really not important.â€™ that offer, either. Taberner said he originally wanted $25,000 for the con- sulting fee because he thought it was a reasonable amount, considering the scope of the project. â€œMore than anything else, I want the memorial to be built. The money is really not impor- tant, â€ he said. If KSU uses his memorial design without him, Taberner said he will bring legal action. against the school. Heinke said the university ,,_.__;_2 .. Ian Taberner from the competition. .' According to the competition rules, the university would automatically own the winning design, but since Taberner was disqualified and the other design team member, Michael Fahey, rejected the prize, no winner exists. Beck said the university may also turn to another design entered in the competition, which concluded in March. Second place winner in the competition was Bruno Ast, an ,,,..______._, Ravenna-Kent, Ohio Monday, June 30, 1986 13 IAN TABERNER architect from Chicago, who received $10, 000 for his design. Ast said he could not com- ment about whether the university had contacted him recently. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/13be60e00d54ed896677f2c975c87354.tif 18ac08424e910038efaeb48da8f8cb70 PDF Text Text Memorial design may change By M. Mitchell Murray Record-Courier staff writer No one is admitting it, but Ian Tabernerâ€™s May 4 memorial design might be given a onesway trip away from Kent State University On Wednesday. KSU officials used to talk about hiring Taberner as a con- sultant on the project if he would grant the university full rights to the design. But university officials say __ they have halted their efforts to reach an agreement with Taberner, deciding instead to explore other options. â€œThere will be absolutely no response to any offer they make,â€_ said KSU President Michael Schwartz, referring to Taberner and his attorney, Ar- thur Rubiner. Taberner said Monday that he doesnâ€™t know â€œwhat pressure I can continue to br- ing upon Kent State anymore I think itâ€™s almost out of my _ hands now.â€ Anthony A. Petrarca, chair- man of the KSU Board of Trustees, said ,three alter- natives will be considered when the board holds a special â€˜ (See Taberner, page 10) RECORD-COURIER Taberner plan could be scrapped (From page 1 ) ' meeting Wednesday at KSU. The university may proceed with Tabernerâ€™s design without .negotiating a contract with him, run a new design competi- tion or choose another design. Petrarc a, who would not rule ' out the use of Tabernerâ€™s design, said the university may elect to use a design by Bruno Ast and Thomas Rasmussen of Chicago. Their design, a masonry platform plaza with a symbolic representation of the events of May 4, 1970, won second place in a national competition Which attracted 698 entries. Tabernerâ€™s sloping walkway design was the winner of the contest, which ended March 1. The Michigan architect later was disqualified because he violated a competition rule re- quiring U.S. citizenship. Taberner is a Canadian citizen. Ast, who is a naturalized U.S. citizen, came to America from Yugoslavia in 1955. He said Monday that he would be honored if the board votes to use his design. â€œThis is a major thing - to put a monument in place at Kent State. I-would be very honored to be a part of that in some way,â€ Ast said. Ast said he feels somewhat uncomfortable at the prospect of replacing Taberner. â€œI donâ€™t want to benefit from someone elseâ€™s bad fortune or error,â€ he said. â€œI donâ€™t go around stealing commissions from other people.â€ The competition rule which stipulated U.S. citizenship was too narrow, said Ast, who in- dicated that it should have been an internationalcontest. â€œThe creativity does not stop . at our front door. We could have received entries from all over,â€ Ast said, adding that the May 4, 1970 shootings were significant enough to warrant international attention. Though Taberner and the university had difficulty agree- ing to a contract, Ast said he is confident that he can work out a harmonious arrangement with the university. It is critical that the designer 'have much input in the development of the memorial to preserve the original intent, Ast said, adding that he an- ticipates he would have 100 percent participation. Taberner said all he really wanted was to protect his creative rights to the design. â€œThey (the university) do not want the design to have my input at all in its construction or realization,â€ he said. Taberner said he accepted the last offer from the universi- ty which would have paid him a $20,000 consulting fee and ex- penses he incurred developing the design. He would have been permitted to comment from his current home in Ann Arbor, Mich., where he had been a teaching fellow at the Universi- ty of Michigan. Lowell Heinke, a Cleveland attorney who represented KSU, contended that the offer was never accepted and conse- quently withdrew it. Rubiner, who represents Taberner, said he will wait to see what happens at the trusteesâ€™ meeting. He said there is still a chance ' KSU will seek an agreement with Taberner. Rubiner speculated that since universi- ty officials changed their minds quickly last week, they may reverse their direction and hire Taberner as a consul- ' tant. Should the university use Tabernerâ€™s design without a formalized contract. Rubiner said he will seek legal action. Lisa Sanders, president of the May 4 Task Force. a stu- dent group which spearheaded the drive for the memorial, said it would be a mistake for the university to use Tabernerâ€™s design without his participation. â€œIt would be a failure. They canâ€™t cut him out of it,â€ she said. â€œYou canâ€™t build something that isnâ€™t yours.â€ If the university and Taberner donâ€™t reach an agree- ment, she said the best option is to use Astâ€™s design. If a new competition were held, she does not think it would be well received. She said the memorial has been delayed for too long. â€œIt (a new design competi- tion) would just drag it out longer and longer until people just wouldnâ€™t care anymore,â€ she said. â€œThere is a place in history for this event (May 4, 1970). It has to be put in its pro- per place.â€ Ravenna-Kent, Ohio Tuesday, July 1, 1986 3 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/e8c9ef2724402bdac106de9197d7bfa6.tif f562e90cfd4d3ba5942a95cb9d3043fe PDF Text Text in AKRON BEACON JOURNAL â€˜ Founded April 15, 1839 C. L. KNIGHT, June 18, 1867-Sept. 26, 1933 JOHN S. KNIGHT, Oct. 26, 1894â€"June 16, 1981 DAVID B. COOPER DALE ALLEN JOHN M. MCMILLION ~ Editor Publisher Assocuate Editor A8 Wednesday, July 2, i080 - u.Â» â€˜Lf-Nâ€˜ï¬‚iâ€˜â€œ! KSU drops memorial designer By Andrea Louie and Kathleen Bylantl Beacon Journal staii writers Kent State University today dumped the architect whose de- sign for a memorial to the May it, 1070 shootings won a contest. this spring and replaced him with the second-place winner. By two 5-0 Votes, the Kent State University trustees disqual- ified the original winner, a Cana- dian who broke the rules by en- tering the competition for US. citizens, then named Chicago ar- chitect Bruno Ast the winner. KSU president Michael Schwartz urged the trustees to take the aqtion, saying the uni~ versity has the right â€œto build the design of its choice." Using another design was among the options officials con- sidered to resolve a dispute with first-place winner ian â€™lâ€˜aberner. Other options included using the original design without 'lâ€˜abcrner as a consultant or holding anoth- er competition. Schwartz said university offi- cials had been negotiating with â€™lâ€˜aberner, of the University of Michigan, but were unable to reach agreements on terms for â€™iâ€˜aberner serving as a consultant. â€œ1- think it's very unfortunate," Schwartz said after the meeting. . tie added that university officials couldnâ€™t agree on the extent of See libâ€˜ll, page .â€˜i ll ":1 "I j l " AI/I~JllaoIâ€"â€"o-â€"lâ€"n_4auntâ€"nâ€" ti KSU drops memorial designer Continued from page At â€™lâ€˜abernerâ€™s involvement or his consultant's fee. The new winning design is a rectangular granite wall with 13 marble cutaway disks symboliz- ing the four who were killed and the nine who were injured. Ast could not be reached for comment today. Asst, 40, was born in Yugoslavia anti came to the United States in 19-10. lie became a citizen in 1955. Al. though he is itt partnership with his wife (â€˜iâ€˜unduz Daggelen, a Turkish citizen who is also an architect, Ast said she didn't par- ticipate in the contest because site isn't a US. citizen. â€œWe were both well aware of the citizenship rule.â€ The co-winner with Ast was his junior partner, Thomas S. Ras- mussen. In naming a new winner, trust- ees also elevated the contestâ€™s original third-place winner to sec- ond place and planned to select a new third-place winner from among four honorable mentions. 'iâ€˜abernerâ€™s design was picked by a seven-member jury from 698 entries April 4. lie was leader of the 16-member team that de- signed the winning entry. Taberner and his design were ' controversial from the start. The architect was disqualified from the nationwide competition after he told Kent State officials that he is a Canadian citizen. Taberner called Schwartz two days after the winners were an- nounced and said he had not no- ticed a US. citizenship require- ment, first on the list of contest rules. Schwartz then decided to have the university hire Taberner as a consultant. The university and Taberner have been trying to form a con- tract specifying Tabernerâ€™s con- sultation fee and role in the con- struction, Taberner's attorney, Arthur J. Rubiner of Birming- ham, Mich., said Tuesday. Rubiner said he thought he and Kent State's lawyer, Lowell iieinke of Cleveland, had agreed by telephone to a contract grant- ing â€™Iâ€˜aberner $20,000 plus $5,000 in expenses. Rubiner said he wrote a letter June 24 to Heinke confirming the verbal agreement. A paragraph in the letter stat- ed that Taberner must have more ' than the â€œminimal contact" the university said it would allow during the construction process, Rubiner said. Rubiner said his office re- ceived a message June 27 saying the universityâ€™s offer was rescind- ed. Taberner said Tuesday that the university later wrote Rubi- ner threatening to sue the design- er for $200,000, the approximate cost for running the competition. Taberner said Tuesday he felt there â€œhas been a conscientious effort by the university to elimi- nateâ€ him from the memorial construction process. â€œI feel devastated that this thing has gotten so out of hand," 'lâ€˜aberner said. â€œThis is the most disgusting thing Iâ€™ve ever been involved in in my life.â€ The memorial is to be near where four students were killed and nine others wounded during a campus demonstration. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/8fa30378192c02e2566bf5a435cbcb88.tif 8e54bc4696e24bd2d5866740be652640 PDF Text Text THE PLAIN DE KSU memOrial snafu OHIO'S LARGEST NEWSPAPER CLEVELAND, WEDNESDAY, JULY 2 1986 sends planner packing By KAREN FARKAS STAFF WRITER It appears anything associated with May 4, 1970, at Kent State University leads to controversy. Today, three months after approv- ing a memorial to commemorate that day, when four students were killed and nine wounded by the Ohio National Guard, KSU trustees will meet to decide what to do about it now that they have terminated their rela- tionship with the memorialâ€™s designer. James Dalton, director of KSUâ€™s School of Architecture who has been involved with the competition since its inception, said trustees had three choices. â€œThey could go ahead and build the memorial without his per- mission, they could go with the No.2 scheme, or they could reopen the com- petitionâ€ Ian F. Taberner, a professor of architecture at the University of Michigan, designed the winning memorial, a long walkway cut into a hillside with five areas for quiet reflection. He said yesterday an oral agreement was reached with KSU June 24 in which-he would be paid $20, 000 to serve as a consultant But then he said, his lawyer, Arthur Rubiner, was notified Friday by KSUâ€™s lawyer, Lowell L. Heinke- of Cleveland, that negotiations were ter- minated. No reason was given. Taberner said he believed talks broke down because he insisted on being involved in the project, and KSU didnâ€™t want him on campus. In addi~ tion, he and Alan Canfora, who was See KSU, PAGE B-A I . -l _ 'said yesterday that to his knowledge " no agreement oral or written, was Â¢ever reached with Taberner And EKSU 5 IFROM PAGE1 A wounded May 4, 1970, claim Taberner Shas been shunned because the univer- _' sity disapproved of his acceptance of suggestions from the parents of those ii. killed KSU President Michael Schwartz Schwartz said Taberner never told {-him the requests of the families. He 7 said he could not comment further. A statement released yesterday said KSU had terminated negotiations with Taberner, and the trustees would determine how to proceed. In January 1985 KSU trustees decided to establish a memorial on a .. wooded site northeast of Taylor Hall, 1 near the site of the shootings. The contest attracted 678 entries and cost labout $170, 000 In April the winning f, design was unveiled at an elaborate 7 press conference. But several weeks later it was . learned Taberner was not an Ameri- ' can citizen Since he did not meet that contest requirement, he could not , receive the $20, 000 first prize. KSU â€˜ ;dfficials said at the time they stood . {behind the design and would negotiate " a consulting agreement with : .-, :.'l,â€˜aberner Taberner came to KSU for the annual May 4 commemoration. He met- May 3 with parents of students if who were killed and the men who had 3.: been wounded. He said the families requested the â€˜names of the four slain students be . placed on the memorial. â€œI had been ' 21" 1.. LEE sympathetic to the requests of the families but theuniversity felt it was no place to personalize the memorial," he said. He said he began negotiating with KSU officials May 5 and that they offered him $10,000. He requested $25,000 for consulting services. He said officials â€œwere adamant that I would have minimal involve- ment with the memorial, and I would only be welcome to comment on drawings mailed to me at Ann Arbor.â€ He objected. Taberner said he did not believe KSU could build his design without his participation. Schwartz said the design belonged to KSU, but he said he did not know whether it could be built without Taberner. Taberner said he spoke Monday night with architect Bruno Ast, who won second prize for his design. Taberner said Ast told him he had been contacted by KSU Ast of Chi- cago told the Associated Press yester- day it was his understanding his design would be moved into first place Canfora is executive director of the Kent/May 4 Foundation and said he maintained close links with those involved in the shootings and repre- sented their views. He said the families wanted to be consulted about the memorial just as Vietnam veterans were about theirs in Washington. â€œThe families are very angry about this and very disappointed,â€ he said â€œWe had great hopes for this memo- rial â€ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c9c00e9a997d90388eab0c3f69fe400b.tif 4220c65c226000773d873dedff75e736 PDF Text Text RECORD-COURIER Ravenna-Kent, Ohio Wednesday, July 2. 1986 3 New design features 'memoâ€˜rial plaza (From page I) pressed dismay at the trusteesâ€™ action. â€œClearly Mr. Tabernerâ€™s sen- sitivity to the sentiments and ma Ill. . KSU victims requests of the families of the directly con- tributed to the rejection of his design,â€ he said.â€™ Tabernerâ€™s support for the ~. , ff- â€˜;.. aâ€œ ,. ._ . â€˜. x. _ .4 _, :FJÂ§ Vâ€˜J NEW DESIGN for May 4 Memorial at Kent State University includes a central plaza with walls fragmented in 13 places, 3.. .â€˜x wall. representing the students killed and wound- .. 1 some of the familiesâ€™ requests, including placement of the names of the victims on the memorial, may have â€œcost him dearly,â€ Canfora said. / .1..._--" ~ ' . . Qa ed on May 4, 1970. Pylons surrounding the plaza correspond to the 13 incisions in the 8 MAY 4 Memorial will be entered at sidewalk level. The plaza will be located in a wooded area overlooking the KSU Com- VlEW SOUTH FROM WALKWAY mons, where many of the events of May 4, 1970 occurred. â€œMy own feeling is that a very honorable and sensitive young man has been treated unfairly in this affair,â€ he said. Schwartz said that the deci- sion to abandon Tabernerâ€™s design had nothing to do with the placement of names on the memorial. He said that he recognized the concerns of the families of the victims, but em- phasized that the memorial was to serve the entire univer- sity community. Schwartz said that he hoped Astâ€™s experience would make a difference in development of the project. â€œI would hope that he will be able to do the whole thing,â€ he said. . Grady Clay, chairman of the jury selection committee which revie- entries in the comp. â€™ he regrets that â€œis. sign will not be built. Cla;y .-d it . was the best design. â€œKent is trying to pick up the pieces that were scattered so carelessly by Mr. Taberner," Clay said. â€œI sympathize with his plight but not with his judg- ment or inability to read legal documents.â€ Taberner said it was still un? fair that the board did not con- sider making an agreement with him as part of its agenda today. The board only review- ed the possibility of "sing his design without a :nent, choosing the sec mil-place design, or running a new com- petition. Informed of Tabernerâ€™s con- cern, Schwartz replied that negotiations had proceeded un~ til it became apparent that no progress was being made. â€œYou go as far as you can," he said, adding â€œYou want things to go smoothly.â€ ' Ast. like Taberner, is an im- migrant to the United States. Ast, a Yugoslavian, became a naturalized US. citizen in 1955. The new memorial design. according to a statement sub- mitted by Ast and Rasmussen, will include 13 incised inclines along the plaza . Black marble disks, set at the base of the incisions, will directly represent the people who were killed or wounded during the shootings. Ast said. The 13 pylons surrounding the structure also will aid in representing those who were affected by the events of May 4,1970. -Ast said the platform ex- presses the â€œcontainment" aspect of the design and sym- bolizes the area where authorities and protesters mix- ed. The addition of the pylons suggest that ideas and people do not stand alone. . He stressed that the event â€œis spread beyond Kent State, beyond Ohio, beyond our own borders. I think the impact was quite large.â€ LOCATION OF BURNED ROTC BUILDING GYM ANNEX GUILT 1979 3 ! The memorial, he added, should be able to represent more than just May 4; Â» â€œGood ideas, some positions, have a right to exist,â€ Ast said, indicating that the students were allowed to object to the Vietnam War. â€œNo matter how much or how often one tries to suppress ideas or people, there , is always a way out.â€ a LOCATION or wouuoeo STuoem x LOCAIION or must: srmem + Locmou or mrmu mosueu MAY 4 MEMORIAL will be located in a wooded area along a sloping path behind Prentice Hall. The four students slain by Ohio National Guardsmen on May 4, 1970 died in the Prentice Hall parking lot and nine others students were wounded at locations denoted by asterisks on map. I https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c4de1feab8414b5e7e589aafed5a0a05.tif 190c93e217c1de2f83fdd92f8c678288 PDF Text Text Workout for the disabled â€˜ pagel8 ON THE INSIDE BRIEFS ............... Page 2 , CLASSIFIEDS ...... Page 6 SPORTS ............... Page 8 I Slimmer Kent Stater Vol. VII No. 3 By LINDA ROBERTS Steter Staff Writer KSU President Michael Schwartz will recommend termi- nating negotiations with May 4 Memorial competition winner Ian Taberner at a special meet- ing of the Board of Trustees today, and runner-up Bruno Ast could be declared the winner. Anita Herington, assistant vice president for institutional advan- cement, said Tuesday that the president will also make recom- mendations to the board on future plans of action, which may include using the design without Taberner, choosing an- other design or holding another competition. Ast, a Chicago architect, was contacted on the phone by Schwartz, Herington said. She said she did not know what the conversation was about, but Ast said in an Associated Press story it was his â€œunderstandingâ€ his design would be moved into first place. THE MEETING today was called after the University and Taberner failed to come to a contractual agreement about Kent State University Tabernerâ€™s involvement in the building of the memorial, and negotiations were halted. Taberner was disqualified from the contest because he did not meet the competition rule of US. citizenship. Lawyers for Taberner and the University have since been trying to resolve contract issues regarding own- ership of the design and architectâ€™s fees. Tabernerâ€™s attorney, Arthur Rubiner, said Tuesday that he had come to an agreement with KSU attorney Lowell Heinke dur- ing a phone conversation last week. The agreement, which was Wednesday, July 2, 1986 May 4 design may be disqualified to pay Taberner $20,000 plus $5,000 in expenses, was withdrawn by Heinke before any written confirmation was made. â€œIâ€™VE SPOKEN to Heinke since he withdrew the deal,,but we donâ€™t seem to agree on the (events that led to our agree- ment),â€ Rubiner said. â€œEvident- ly we do not have the same recollection.â€ Rubiner said that they will not pursue the memorial project any further until the board has made its decision. Herington said the president (See â€˜R UNNER- UP,â€™ page 4) IAN TABERNER Memorial designer Celeste goal is â€was independence of disabled â€˜ â€Summer Kent Stater/ Jeff Glidden SUPPORT FOR DISABLED - Gov. Celeste spoke briefly Tuesday evening in - support of the nationâ€™s disability programs when he visited KSU as part of the Governorâ€™s Conference on Disability Issues. By KEVIN WIGGINS Stater Staff Writer Govenor Celeste said Tuesday the dream of full participation and independ- ence for citizens with disabilities will be realized by attaining concrete goals, such as physical access to public facil- _ ities and a chance for economic inde- pendence. The Governor was the keynote speaker for the Second Biennial Governorâ€™s Con- ference, which is being held this week at KSU. Celeste said another goal would be â€œto educate Ohioans on what is available in public transportation and how to use it.â€ One step towards this goal, he an- Conference will examine discrimination of disabled By MARY BETH NEWHART Slgnature Editor Independence, productivity and inte- gration is the theme of the Second Biennial Governorâ€™s Conference on Dis- ability Issues, which is being held on campus this week. The conference is concerned with the fact disabled in Ohio are often dis- crimated against when it comes to hous- ing, employment, and travel. This is apparent all over the country, Paul Schroeder, coordinator of the con- ference, said. One of the speakers for the conference was unable to attend because he was not allowed to bring his powerchair aboard a nounced, is a $50,000 state demonstration grant to the Greater Regional Transit Authority. â€WITH A SUCCESSFUL user educa- tion program. " Celeste said. we can help disabled Ohioans improve their lives and opportunities. He said the program will be developed for six months and tested for three months before evaluation. "We would like to expand it to the entire state of Ohio,â€ he said. "Iâ€™m determined to do every- thing. . . to see to it that all Ohioians with disablities have the opportunity to reach their full potential," Celeste said, adding that it would not be easy. (See 'NEW,â€™ Page 4) private airline in Boston, said Schroeder, who is blind. The speaker couldnâ€™t find a commercial flight to Ohio and was forced to cancel. _ â€œTHIS REFLECTS the policy of the adminstration to dismantle civil rights,â€ he said. â€œThis is the strict interpretation of the courtsâ€ which is apparent in the Reagan administration. Discrimination is found in thÂ» job market also. â€œSeventy percent â€œ2e disabled population in the United Stilies is unemployed,â€ Schroeder said. â€œThis reflects that people arenâ€™t willing to accept us and it reflects that we donâ€™t do enough.â€ The disabled are negatively stere- (See â€˜DISABLED,â€™ Page 4) Work halted on planned Krishna center Krishna arrested in K ent for double murder By KEVIN WIGGINS Stator Staff Writer Followers of the Hare Krishna religion will probably not begin work again on their planned veg- etarian education center in Kent until late fall, said John Jung, a Krishna and an employee of Pal- ace Charities. Palace Charities is a Krishna fund-raising organization, with an office in Cleveland, which also runs â€œMeals on Wheels,â€ a vege- tarian food-delivery service. Jung hopes the same service can be established in Kent. â€œWE WANT TO provide the cultural aspect,â€ he said. The cultural aspect would include cooking and yoga classes, and also some spiritual teachings, he said, adding that â€œpeople shouldnâ€™t be alarmed that we are trying to establish an off-campus ministry.â€ Jung said they chose Kent for their center because â€œstudents are very liberal and broad- minded.â€ He added, â€œEventually we want to be in every town or village.â€ â€˜ A Krishna bought the house beside the Campus Supply in January. The Krishnas had to stop work on the house May 29, when a stop-work order was is- sued by the city of Kent. LIONEL FINCH, a building inspector, said they did not have the required permits and also â€œsome of the work has to be done by licensed contractors.â€ The Krishnas need four permits: a general contract permit and a separate permit for heating, plumbing and electrical work. Jung said they were using con- tractors from Cleveland. Finch said, â€œThey were doing the work themselves. There was no con- tractor as far as I know.â€ Finch also said they were fined $265 for the work they did before May 29. Two days before the stop-work order was issued, Terry Sheldon, program director of Palace Charities in Cleveland, was ar- rested in Kent for carrying a concealed weapon. He was ar- rested with another Krishna, Thomas Drescher, who was charged with the murders of two Krishnas: Charles Joseph St. Dennis in West Virginia in 1983 and Steven Bryant in Los Angel- es in May. Bryant had written a man- uscript claiming Krishnas in New Vrindaban, a Krishna vil- lage in West Virginia, were in- volved in drug dealing and child sexual abuse. Jung said they (the police) had no case on Drescher and also said â€œ(Bryant) was dealing drugs. From what we understand he was involved in the street scene.â€ Bryant was (See "CULTURAL, â€ page 4) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/97d5b17ba792f6e9f26ed9c15ac3d393.tif 696e9b93498be8eced5579d5faf2483a PDF Text Text 4 Summer Kent Stater, July 2, 1986 â€™Cultural aspectâ€™ aim of Krishna ministry 0 FROM PAGE 1 found dead in a van with the manuscript. SHELDON AND Drescher . were arrested in the parking lot of Banc Ohio on South Water Street. The Akron-Beacon Journal, in a article on June 22, reported that Sheldon was carry- ing instructions saying if Drescher was ever wanted by police he should be sent to New York, then to India. Jung said Sheldon was now in New Vin- draban. He could not be reached there. The concealed weapon Sheldon was carrying was a knife. Jung said, â€œIt was an electrical knife, no more than three inches.â€ The Akron- Beacon Journal described it as a â€œhooked-blade utility knife.â€ Ron Piatt, a Kent police detec- tive, first said it was about four inches long, then said he-wasnâ€™t . sure about the length. â€œThere is no illegal size,â€ Piatt said, â€œwhen the knife showed in his pocket we had reason to believe he was involved with Drescher.â€ Sheldon was dismissed of the charge in a pre-trial hearing on June 6. Piatt said the FBI could possibly put Sheldon under in- vestigation at a later date. AN EMPLOYEE of Palace Charities said Monday Sheldon . was no longer director in Cleve- land. In Drescherâ€™s arrest report, his place of employment was stated as Palace Charities in the capacity of â€œfund-raiser.â€ He had been living in Ravenna. was wrong: â€œ(The police) can print what they want.â€ HEâ€œ ADDED Drescher had been helping them locate a house, but had nothing to do with Palace Charities or with the â€œpurchasing of the house. â€œIf someone lends assistance, we canâ€™t refuse. We didnâ€™t specifi- cally assign him to do that.â€ The Krishnas now have to submit plans and have them ap- proved before new construction can resume, Jung said. The new zoning variant, changing the sta- tus of the house from residential to commercial-residential, may be completed by mid-August, then it will be 4-6 weeksafter that for approval of the building plans, Jung said. ABORTIONS TO 18 WEEKS . 0 SAFE AND GENTLE! 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Jung said the arrest report â€˜ MALE 8: FEMALE S'Iâ€˜AIâ€˜E LICENSED OB/CYN PHYSICIANS ' 0 FROM PAGE 1 â€œIf we need a reminder of how much work we have to do,â€ Celeste said, â€œwe need only look at the recent Supreme Court decision.â€ He said the Friday ruling . that airlines are exempt from federal laws that protect the handicapped from discrimina- tion is an â€œunjust and insulting decision.â€ The Supreme Court ruled that since airlines do not receive direct government fun- ding, they are exempt from the Rehabilitation Act. 0 FROM PAGE 1 otyped now more than ever, Schroeder added. â€œA disability is a characteristic, it doesnâ€™t make us who we are.â€ The disabled have to learn mechanisms, just like anyone learning something new, he said. â€œIt is something everyone has to do in life.â€ SCHROEDER FEELS part Celeste said disabled citizens want the same things as non-disabled citizens â€" the chance to be productive. â€œThe challenge of this conference is to show that the dream of inde- pendence is something that can be realized by all citizens.â€ HE NOTED SOME of his administrationâ€™s accomplish- ments for the independence of the disabled: six of the seven park lodges in Ohio are now accessible to the disabled, Ohioâ€™s public transportation of the problem with stere- otyping is found in the media. â€œThe disabled are always cov- ered as a human interest story or a medical story. It is exâ€" traordinary coverage for or- dinary events.â€ â€œThe disabled as a whole need to achieve more as 10 or 11 perCent of the population,â€ Schroeder said. , Kent State University is only New court decision 'unjust and insulting,â€™ says Celeste budget has increased $22 mil- lion since Celeste took office, and, even though there are 2,000 fewer state jobs, their are , twice as many state employees with disabilities than there were in Jan. 1983. The Governor said that dis- - abled people need to be moved out of institutions and into soci- ety. He said the federal gover- ment now recognizes Ohio as the largest employer of handi- capped individuals in the Unit- ed States. Disabled chained by stereotype one of tWo college campuses in the state that are accessible enough to the disabled to hold a conference. The other is Wright State University in Dayton. Ho- tels and convention centers are not made to be accessible to the disabled. Schroeder said no one re- alizes how limited the disabled are when it comes to simple things. . MARCIAâ€™S Hairstyling Salon 678-8881 OPEN EVENINGS CASH ONLY Acrylic Nails $I5.00 Men Welcome reg. $25.00 Wed. 8. Thurs. ONLY Blond Highlighting .5 I 5.00 Student Cuts only $5 .00 Bring This Ad .4. 81 1 Marvin Ave., Kent on campus bus route For a great place to play pool, enjoy a pizza, and drinks at reasonable rates, join us at... THE VENICE CAFE ' 163 Franklin St. 0 o 0 673-9023 M 51' MENTION AD! No coupons 673-2374 I 12 W. Main St. FREE QUART or can with Ian PIZZA SPECIAL NO PRICE INCREASE Large 16" Pizza $69.2 w/ 3 items .11.". l 3â€˜ ,1.Â» 4â€˜5Â»? iâ€™. (ht iflrl") Will If It .Hank's AWARD WINNING Old Fashioned Homemade =33 ICE CREAM Hank's Homemade Ice Cream I720 East Main St, 673-HANK(4265) Hereâ€™s your chance to indulge in a delicious mini or large sundae smothered in hot fudge, butterscotch, marshmallow toppings and whipped cream! 50" OFF Coupon good through Wed., July 9, I986 ------------------- Rt. 59, Kent Runnerâ€"up could be made winner 0 FROM PAGE 1 will issue a statement on why the negotiations with Taberner were terminated. Taberner said in the As- sociated Press story his negoâ€˜ tiations with KSU broke down over his role because University officials wanted only â€œminimal involvement irom me. I was not going to be welcomed at Kent.â€ TABERNERâ€™S WINNING de- sign, which was originally eligible for a $20,000 prize, is a sloping walkway about Meet deep, with four small, open rooms on one side and 13 gashes on the other side. The rooms _ represent the four KSU students who Were killed on May 4, while the gashes honor those killed and wounded. Astâ€™s design, winner of a $10,000 prize, is a masonry plat- form plaza with representations of the May 4 events. Herington declined any com- ment on what Schwartzâ€™s recom- mendations to the boardwould" be. â€œPresident Schwartz will be recommending one of the three options to the board,â€ Herington said, â€œbut he will not be issuing any public statement until after the board meeting.â€ The president was unavailable for comment. . list 05 HELP YOU WITH YOUR SPRING CLEANING. we GIVE CREDIT 3' FOR YOUR Goou, Â° CLEAN PAPERBACKs; ï¬‚ .8 O 0 a d J O O BOOKS foam: â€™a 0 Exchange . UNIVERSITY PLAZA- (III Illa Indium; 0 Mon- Sat , IO-o III-Ila Books -beoks Books https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/bbb0e2c13a1b85452ef831f53a4c6536.tif 5d9f506492efc45d340ad7ca9fcbdd02 PDF Text Text A Strong Voice In A Growing Area ECO â€˜Dâ€˜COUâ€˜ " â€˜ WEDNESDAY, JULY 2,1986 RAVENNA and KENT, OHIO 25 CENTS KSU memorial design change OKâ€™d By M. Mitchell Murray Record-Courier staff writer The original design for the May 4 Memorial at Kent State University was rejected today by the KSU Board of Trustees, who approved a new design for the project. A masonry plaza with fragmented walls and pylons symbolizing the events of May â€˜4, 1970 will be constructed as the universityâ€™s official memorial instead of the slop- ing walkway proposed by Ian Taberner. The new design, created by Chicago architects Bruno Ast and Thomas Rasmussen, had placed second in the nation- wide design competition which Taberner won in April. Adoption of the Ast- Rasmussen design was recom- mended to the trustees by KSU PreSident Michael Schwartz. The designers will receive $20,000 for their proposal. Taberner was disqualified from the competition after it was discovered that he was not a US. citizen, a violation of the contest rules. Subsequent eforts to reach an agreement concerning his participation in the project were unsuccessful. The Ast-Rasmussen memorial will be located in a wooded area between Taylor and Prentice halls in approx- imately the same location as Tabernerâ€™s memorial. The new design calls for a central platform area with walls broken in 13 places, sym- bolizing the students who were killed and wounded during an anti-war protest at KSU more than 16 years ago. The platform area will be surrounded by 13 pylons scat- tered at random around the memorial, representing the â€œwider impactâ€ of the shootings on society as a whole, according to Astâ€™s design statement. Taberner said he was disap- pointed by the trusteesâ€™ rejec- tion of his design, which had topped a field of nearly 700 en- tries in a nationwide competi- tion. _ï¬,_-... â€œNo one will ever be able to take away that I won the com- petition,â€ he said. â€œI just feel upset because it was a once in a. lifetime Opportunity and itâ€™s been a lost opportunity.â€ Tabernerâ€™s concerns were echoed by Sarah Scheuer, whose daughter, Sandra, was one of four students killed dur- ing the shootings. â€œWe were very disappointed (by the trusteesâ€™ action),â€ she said, adding that Tabernerâ€™s design had been sensitive and thoughtful. ' Scheuer said her family assumed the selection of Tabernerâ€™s design resolved the universityâ€™s efforts to bring a memorial to KSU. â€œFinally, they got this design (from Taberner)...and now theyâ€™re taking it away. We feel bad,â€ Scheuer said. â€œItâ€™s real- ly. a letdown. Weâ€™ve been through a lot, and now this.â€ Alan Canfora, who was wounded during the shootings and now heads the Kent May 4 Memorial Foundation, also ex- (See New, page 3) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/826bc4c027d610d57dde734f97dee3f2.tif b2f18c4a7939c0f5d0c28545d42b36d1 PDF Text Text â€˜Wzâ€™ld Knights on Plaza ON THE lNSIDE BRIEFS ............... Page 2 EDITORIAL ......... Page 4 CLASSIFIEDS ..... Page 10 SIGNATURE ....... Page 12 ummer Kent Stater vol. VII No. 4 Kent State University Wednesday, July 9, 1986 By KEVIN WIGGINS Sister Staff Writer The Board of Trustees voted unanimously during a special meeting July2 to disqualify Ian Taberner and his winning design in the May 4 Memorial Competition. Bruno Ast, previously the second place winner, was named the new first place win- ner and his design 13 now being planned for construction Taberner was disqualified be- cause he was not a United States citizen, which was the first rule in the competition guidelines. He was disqualified in April but his design was not. Taberner later entered into ne- gotiations to eventually be hired as a consultant during the construction of the memorial, but the University and Taberner could not reach an agreement. DURING THE meeting, two areas of conflict between the University and Taberner were stated: money and degree of control over the project. Lowell Heinke, an attorney representing KSU, said the Uni- versity was willing to let Taberner comment on the me- morial contruction in writing, but Taberner wanted to be on campus and participate in the ~.construction. Also, Heinke said, â€œ (Taberner) always demanded more money than he would have received if he had won the competition.â€ The winning de- signer receives $20, 000. University President Michael Schwartz was quoted in a press release as saying: â€œDuring the course of our discussions, members of the Board, as well as myself, increasingly began to raise certain ethical ques- tions about negotiating with a designer who had been disâ€" qualified.â€ He said in a Stator article in April the reason for. the rule requiring United States citizenship was because the University was looking for an American response to an Amer- ican event. ALAN CANFORA, one of the students wounded on May 4 and executive director of the Kent May 4 Foundation, said the United States citizenship rule was wrong and chauvinistic. He added that the events of May 4, 1970 affected not only the Unit- ed States, but had international implications and interests. Ast, now the official winner of the competition, said in a Stater article in April that the citizenship rule was irrelevant. Ast was also quoted in a press release as saying: â€œOur design was initiated through a team effort that (incorporated) ideas about the events at KSU in May of 1970 which affected a large segment of the worldâ€™s popu- lation.â€ Dean Kahler, also wounded on May 4, said the citizenship rule was a â€œsilly rule.â€ Lisa Sanders, president of the May 4 Task Force, said an agreement between the Univer- (See 'TABERNER, ' Page 3) Ast Strives for enlightenment NEW MEMORIAL â€"- Above: an overhead view of the Ast design. Below: a View of the finished A memorial from the the walkway between Prentice and Taylor Halls. The memorial will be a black â€˜ marble slab with thirteen gashes cut from the walls symbolizing those killed and wounded on Ma y 4. The paving pattern symbol- izes the 13 persons directly {affected by the May 4,1970 5* event. These persons are sig- nifie'd by polished black marble disks set into the â€œeighteen-inch square gray~ blue flame-cut granite pavers. ed revealreg . 5?.le rough hewn roseecoloredi- _ granite perimeter wall Isa}; â€â€œ5â€œâ€œ..g; DeSIgn Statement Visitors may enter or Ieave I the memorial proper through. a gatellke opening from the " I Walkway or by the incised .. inclines in the memorial vol- time made by the ire menta~ tion of the perimeter here is to be no writing or realistic, :â€œafâ€˜representatlons The terrain ? :9 V riiis left as much as possible, " ;.undlsturbed around , existing-tree " l . ark â€˜ â€œMind .; the me" {Â» I: and every attempt is; â€™j i"; "'Ã©tâ€˜aih the greatest ' muesli , 13% Mix j. it"Jzâ€˜yM/g 1' w z gnaw?â€œ , ' l 'FIaShâ€™ still denied funding as biased Senate publication The Campus Flash, a publi- cation of Undergraduate Student Senate, was again denied funding by the Student Publications Poliâ€" cy Committee after an appeal in June. The Flash was originally not given funding by the SPPC for the 1986-87 fiscal year on May 5 it was published by the Public Relations Society of America and the PR publications class. Richard A. Bredemeier, as- sociate dean for Student Affairs, said although the appeal for fund- ing was not accepted, it will go back to the SPPC meeting before the end of the summer for re consideration. REBECCA MITCHELLS, ex- ecutive director of Student Sen- ate, said that Senate will present itS case at the SPPC meeting for reallocation consideration. â€œWeâ€™ll hope for the best,â€ Mitchells said. in May when the funding was denied, the allocation subcom- mittee report stated, â€œThis rec- ommendation is based on the considered opinion that the Flash serves as a publication vehicle for the Undergraduate Student Senate.â€ Lyle Barton, chairperson of the allocations subcommittee said in May the Student Senate appeared to be using the Flash to print information which was essentially about their organiza- tion. Residence Services changes divisions By PATTI SPARLING Slater Staff Writer KSU President Michael Schwartz announced Thursday that management of Residence Services has been transferred to the division of Student Af- fairs. The department was for- merly managed by the division of Business Affairs and Schwartz said the change is nessesary because â€œfrom now through the 1990â€™s, demo- graphically we will have fewer and fewer high school-aged stu- dents, and there is a serious concern on the retention of these students." Residence Services was put under the division of business affairs by President Brage Golding in 1977 because of cer- tain problems the department was having with management and needing to become more (See 'DIVISION,â€™ Page 10) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/7a98234fca3caf8502f6373f65fb1bed.tif a61fd338391ba1a169182923ae68833c PDF Text Text Tab ern er was â€™victim of Kent State politicsâ€™ 0 FROM PAGE 1 sity and Taberner should have been reached right at the begin- ning. She said Heinke had mailed a proposal to Taberner and he had agreed to it, but that it was not sent back to Heinke before a set deadline. â€œLegally; I donâ€™t think (Taberner) was repre- sented very Well,â€ she said. â€œI DID NOT receive any letâ€" ter from Mr. Tabernerâ€™s at- torney agreeing to any pro- posal,â€ Heinke said. He added he did receive a letter, but it con- cerned new terms for nego- tiation. Canfora said Taberner was sympathetic to the sentiments of the families of the victims of the May 4 shootings and this is the reason the University demanded minimal participation from Taberner in the memorial con- struction. â€œHe became a victim of Kent State politics,â€ Caniora said. ' Canfora said Taberner agreed to these suggestions: the need for a descriptive historical plaque on the memorial, the inclusion of the names of the slain students and possibly the wounded stu- dents in the memorial, the need to close the Prentice Hall park- ing lot. and the personal request of Sandy Scheuerâ€™s parents to include a lilac bush in the room dedicated to her. CANFORA SAID, "I think the University resented these sug- gestions and Mr. Tabernerâ€™s positive reaction to them.â€ He added it is likely these sugges- tions will come to the attention of Bruno Ast. Astâ€™s design statement said: â€œThere is to be no writing or realistic represen- tations.â€ â€œIt is hoped that Ast will not suffer the same fate as Mr. Taberner," Canfora said. â€œI am referring to excessive political pressures. â€ Ast, born in Yugoslavia but A a T N A A L M E E T A S A p F L A T W MENâ€™S Special Monday through Thursday Style cut $6 50 Syntanning beds available Redken Nexxus - PaulMilchel 673-9222 820 N. Maniua St. � n KSU Bus'Limy now a United States citizen, said his design differed from Tabernerâ€™s because it was â€œnot hiding from anything.â€ He stressed the importance of a continuing response to what hap- pened on May 4: â€œOne wishes that such things have a lasting effect.â€ The design will be built into the side of the hill behind Taylor Hall. It will be a square design with thirteen incised inclines in the perimeter wall. Thirteen pylons will surround the rose- colored granite square repre- senting the killed and wounded during the May 4th shootings. ASTâ€™S DESIGN statement said, â€œThe sheared wall piece is transposed upon the landscape as a pylon, suggesting the wider impact of these events on the social, physical and psy- chological fabric of our society.â€ Sanders does not seem to be as happy with Astâ€™s design. Sanders said, â€œI donâ€™t like it as well as when I first saw (Tabernerâ€™s). I was very attached to (his) project.â€ She added that she liked the 13 pylons removed and â€˜that she felt the two designers were trying to capture different moods. Canfora said Astâ€™s design was â€œsatisfactory." Ast pointed out that his design and Tabernerâ€™s were two entries out of 698. He said it is not unusual in similar, large com- petitions that the winnning de- signs be considered equal. Summer Kent Stater, July 9. 1986 3 Details of the site These graphics show where the Memorial will be located, in relation to Taylor and Prentice halls. The memorial will be a black marble slab with thir- teen gashes cut into the walls representing those killed and wounded on May 4 1970. The gashes will be used as pylons around the memo- rial. Ast said in the design statement the ,memorial marks the promise for an enlightened future. COMMONS ~vrcroev BELL TAYLOR METAL SCULPTURE SITE The Upstairs Emporium NATURAL 8. HERBAL TOBACCO 8. SNUFF LOLLLXEUCR GWN? SUMMER SPECIAL 20% OFF all acrylic & ceramic water pipes Also available: 1"esticide-free, Natural Cigarette Rolling Tobacco, Cigarette Papers, Rolling Machines, Cigarette Cases 0 Water Pipes 8. Turnic Reducers 0 Snuff Accessories 0 Herbal Cigarettes 8. Pipe Tobacco 70% off with K.S.U. ID Located â€œupstairs" at 245 W. Main St., Ravenna (Above Anita's Clothing) 296-2215 HOURS: M-Th 10-6, Fri 10-8, Sat 10-5230 9; .- . . w .râ€™ o uh. i(/l Computer Hair Coloring Noil's by Michele New Fiberglass Nails New No Lite Gel Nails NANCYâ€™S V.I.P. 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Please help us by having patience while we â€work the bugs out. â€ Weaitâ€˜Ã© garter: Stag; https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/e4514d123371f31db598a352b36a79e8.tif 274a5154c4fe2d8c52e33e20e09f8ea4 PDF Text Text o a: H H! Ht https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ed46dea24721288f674981bbf4591889.tif 48674f4e09366f90404ddcc6e316dab0 PDF Text Text Dmiu Kmt Staterâ€™Tim Ruskc IN LAN DSCAPE .377?â€œ ., Commemorating the Past William Robinson For many the events of May 4, 1970, seem to have already slipped from memory. Not at Kent State University. For the past '16 years, small groups of individualsâ€"KSU faculty, students, political activists, friends, and parents of the slain studentsâ€"have gathered for a candlelight vigil at this quiet college campus in rural Ohio to remember. In January 1985, nearly â€˜15 years after the shootings, the Trustees of Kent State autho- rized the construction of a â€permanent, physical memorialâ€ to commemorate the events of May 4, 1970. To find an appropri- ate design, KSU launched a national juried competition. The idea of building a May 4 memorial surfaced shortly after the shootings, but it was resisted for many years by university administrators. Their opposition can partly be attributed to differences of opinion about the nature and meaning of May 4. Were the events of that tragic weekend an aberration in the history of this conservative, midâ€" western university, or were they a water- shed in American history and perhaps symptomatic of still unresolved conflicts in American society? KSU administrators have been keenly aware that many alumni and local residents would prefer that this "inci- dentâ€ be forgotten. Recent proposals for a memorial have been greeted with hate mail. In this part of northeast Ohio, at least, Kent State remains a battleground of unresolved issues and conflicting perceptions about the Vietnam era, the anti-war movement, stu- dent rights, the role of universities, and jus- tice in America. The polarity of opinion about May 4 made the selection of an appropriate me- morial difficult. A successful design would 4 INLAND ARCHITECT July/August 1986 [an 'Iâ€˜aberner speaks at this yearâ€™sâ€˜lway'tt rally. have to reconcileâ€"or at least not conflict too violently withâ€"various opposing percep- tions surrounding one of the more complex and emotionally charged events in recent American history. These conflicting viewpoints came to a head in 1977 when the university an- nounced it intended to build a gymnasium annex on a portion of the land where the confrontation had occurred in May 1970. Some interpreted this as a circuitous at- tempt to bury history. To prevent construcâ€" tion of the gym, demonstrators erected a â€œtent city" on the site. They also organized the May 4 Coalition and presented a series of demands to the Trustees, including a de- mand to erect a permanent memorial to the four slain and nine wounded students. Deâ€" spite their protests, the gym was built; the demand for a memorial rejected. ln 1978 the Mildred Andrews Fund of Cleveland offered a gift to KSU, a sculpture by George Sega] titled In Memory of May 4, 1970. Sega] based his work on the Old Testa- ment story of Abraham and Isaac and said it represented, â€a father willing to sacrifice his son in the name of difficult, abstract prin- ciples.â€ The sculpture can also be interpreted as a metaphor of generational conflict and the tearing of the social fabric that often ac- companies warfare. In spite of the many, open-ended interpretations possible with this sculpture (the viewer can only wonder whether the father will carry through with the act), the university refused it. It was apparently too powerful, too painful, too specific. This setback did not stop certain KSU faculty members and friends of the slain and wounded students from pressing for a memorial. In 1983 KSU President Michael Schwartz finally appointed a committee to study the matter. A year later, the_commit- tee recommended in a report to President Schwartz that KSU build a â€permanent, physical memorial" to commemorate the â€tragic events of that weekend.â€ At his urging, the report was approved by the 'lâ€˜rustees. Although approved, it was clear that the memorial would have to be nonâ€"political and non-controversial. The committeeâ€™s reâ€" port stated that, â€Even after fifteen years there is no accepted explanation why it happened or what might have prevented the violence and shootings. . . All society was the victimâ€"students, Guardsmen, townspeople and faculty." It was decided at this point that the memorial would be a â€reflective site" that should â€encourage vis- itors to ask what differences were confront- ing this community and this nation (in May 1970) and to reflect on how these differences may have been resolved peacefully.â€ In October 1985, KSU announced it was initiating a national design competition to be partly funded by the National Endowâ€" ment for the Arts. Prizes of $20,000, $10,000, and $5,000 were offered for first, second, and third place, with the additional possi- bility of the jury awarding up to 1,0 honor- able mentions. KSU also hired a profesâ€" sional advisor, Paul Spreiregen, FAIA, of Washington, DC, who had managed the competition for the Vietnam Veterans Me- morial. A distinguished jury was selected: architects William Muchow of Denver and William Morgan of Jacksonville, Florida; landscape architects William Behnke of Cleveland and Robert Hanna of Philadel- phia; sculptors Alice Aycock of New York City and Richard Hunt of Chicago; and enâ€" vironmental journalist Grady Clay of Louisâ€" ville, Kentucky. The competition rules listed the follow- ing requirements, among others, for the memorial: D l J MA .ilaï¬‚â€™w George Segalâ€™s bronze sculpture, In Memory of May 4, was rejected by Kent State. It is now at Princeton University. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3abf29067c897365d684cc40c8426726.tif 5de4d83d0aae818812d3939552015d1c PDF Text Text INLANDSCAPE 1. It must be located on the sloped, wooded hillside overlooking the University Commons; 2. It should be harmonious with its site and should be an artistic â€in- cident" alongside a pedestrian pathway; 3. The design should include a phys- ical expression regarding the four students who died; 4. It should be neither heroic or ac- cusatory and should not be a po- litical expression; 5. It should emphasize inquiry, learn- ing, reï¬‚ection, and should elevate the thoughts of visitors to a larger realm of awareness; 6. Located in a convenient place is to be a small distribution device from which visitors may obtain informa- tional brochures (such as a guide to the site, the conclusions of the President Nixonâ€™s Commission on Campus Unrest, and a KSU report titled â€What Has Been Learned From These Eventsâ€); 7. Gatherings of groups of people should be possible, but on a small scale. From a total of 698 entries, the jury awarded first place to architect Ian Taberner, who also credited 10 of his students at the University of Michigan and four technical assistants with contributing to the project. Tabernerâ€™s design consists of a sunken walk- way with nine â€gashes,â€ four circular rooms (graduating at a depth of two-and-a-half to four feet), a rectangular meeting room, and a large wall. Opposite the wall is a small niche for informational brochures. Like the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, this sunken monument is distinctly anti- heroic. Taberner describes the four circular rooms â€œsubtracted from the earthâ€ as rep- resenting the "absence" of the four slain stu- dents: â€œThese sanctuaries nestled in the "lilij! ~ '" '.irllillltjll; hillside are places for reï¬‚ection and contem- plation: a container, refuge or home for spirits scattered many years ago in a parkâ€" ing lot.â€ The gashes along the pathway rep- resent the nine wounded students. Along with these reminders of tragedy and loss, however, are conciliatory and comforting elements. Taberner observes that the north wall "seeks to embrace and engage the visitor,â€ and the stairs leading up and out of the meeting room suggest that â€from communication we can ascend to a higher plateau.â€ A fundamental qual- ity of the design is openness: most of the memorial is shallow enough to allow broad vistas of the university and distant land- scape, thus avoiding the overpowering sense of finality and death one experiences when submerged below ground level be- side the rigid, tomb-like walls of the Viet- nam Veterans Memorial. The design also employs natural mate- rials with organic associations, such as rough-cut light-green granite for the path- way, to encourage the viewer to experience the memorial as a large, living â€œwoundâ€ in the earth. Taberner again provides a hope- ful note: he envisions the â€wound" being symbolically healed by vines and greenery growing over the stone. Shortly before the jury announced its decision, Taberner discovered that he had overlooked a rule specifying that the com- petition was open only to American citi- zens. Although he is currently teaching at the University of Michigan and has worked in the United States for a number of years, Taberner is Canadian. After he notified KSU of the violation, the university dis- qualified him and awarded first prize to .one of his assistants. At first, KSU intended to build the memorial without the designerâ€™s permission or consultation. This greatly disturbed Taberner because he felt the me- morial could not be successfully realized without his participation. A compromise Tabernerâ€™s memorial in- cludes four slightly sunken spaces commemo- rating the dead students A and nine niches in a wall representing the wounded. â€™ â€œnoâ€œ; 3â€˜4. Bruno Ast and Thomas Rasmussen of Chicago won second prize for a sculptural pavilion. has since been reached: Taberner will not receive the prize money (it is being returned to the NEA) or official recognition for the design, but KSU will consult with him dur. ing the construction process. Although funds have not yet been raised to build the memorial, KSU will soon be seeking private donations and hopes to have the memorial completed by next May. Second prize was awarded to the ar- chitectural team of Bruno Ast and Thomas I. Rasmussen of Chicago. They described their design in the following manner: â€The paving pattern symbolizes the thirteen per- sons directly affected by the May 4, 1970, event. These persons are signified by pol- ished, black marble disks set into the eight- een inch, square, blue, flame-cut granite pavers. The sheared wall piece is trans- posed upon the landscape as a pylon, sug- gesting the wider impact of these events on the social, physical and psychological fab- ric of our society.â€ While Ast and Rasmus- sen intended to integrate their memorial with the surrounding landscape, its rigid geometry and inorganic form are not as harâ€" monious with the irregularlyâ€"shaped hill- side as Tabernerâ€™s design. Moreover, the scattered pylons are formally disjointed and their symbolism slightly obtuse. Third prize was awarded to the architec- tural team of Michael I. Wilkinson, Kevin A. Kemp, and Scott D. Bernhard of Chicago. Their design consists of a vine-covered per- gola, a granite hall, a natural ampitheater for assemblies, and a stone pavilion for quiet contemplation. This was the only design to acknowledge (by landscaping the site) the burning of the ROTC building, one of the events precipitating the call to the National Guard. Honorable mentions were awarded to Gary Michael Fishbeck of Cambridge, Mas- sachusetts; Peter L. Schaudt of Winooski, Vermont; Jay D. Kammen of San Francisco; and the team of George J. Hargreaves, Chester G. Allen, Brian Costello, Mary M. Jones, Katherine L. Lehmann, John S. Loomis, and David B. Meyer of San Francisco. Conspicuously absent from the juryâ€™s selections were traditional memorial sculp- tures with specific subject matter. All prizes) July/August 1986 INLAND ARCHITECT 7 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/902d4ff6eecaa7858ef85b0c33a61554.tif 9ac804afecffd332685411f4bb45816c PDF Text Text IN LANDSCAPE Kevin Kemp, and Scott Bernhard received third prize for an entry which included a vine-covered pergola. and mentions went to works which can be described as fundamentally â€œlandscape ar- chitectureâ€ with a few symbolic structures relating them to the events of May 4, 1970. Of these, Tabernerâ€™s design was clearly the best. It is carefully considered, sensitively integrated with its site, and fulfills the re- quirements established by the university. It allows circulatory paths like the ambulatory of a medieval cathedral for the annual May 4 procession, small sanctuaries for private contemplation, and a room for small gather- ings, lest we forget what happens with large assemblies. It is fundamentally an experience rather than a physical object. The success or failure of the KSU design competition depends upon oneâ€™s point of View. By establishing clearly defined guide- lines, KSU insured that it controlled the process. But did their method unnecessarâ€" ily limit the artist and restrict the possibilâ€" ity of social and political statement? Like the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, this memorial will be politically neutralâ€"â€neither heroic nor accusatory. . .an artistic â€™incidentâ€™ along- side a pedestrian pathway." Perhaps this is the only type of memorial that can be built in the Post-Vietnam era. KSU apparently wanted something non-political, non-spe- cific, non-committal, homogenized, and generic. What it got is a distinctive, subtly provocative testimonial to the ability of human imagination and inspiration to tran- scend bureaucratic timidity.Â§ William Robinson is a curatorial assistant at the Cleve- Imzd Museum of Art. 8 INLAND ARCHITECT lulv/Auzust 1986 The Chicago Architecture Police Howard Decker with Philip Bess In our springtime travels we have had a chance to compare the plans and proposals of home with successes and failures at the stops along our itinerary. Herewith, some reflections on recent wanderings, in which the Chicago Architecture Police test some of Chicagoâ€™s future plans against the accom- plished facts of our various destinations. Portland, Oregon, has just seen the comâ€" pletion of a project that has had enormous positive benefits for that city. The late Gov- ernor Tom McCall had long ago dreamed of removing an ill-planned expressway from the western banks of the Willamette River, allowing downtown Portland a connection to its waterfront through the creation of a linear park and promenade at riverâ€™s edge. While it is true that the other side of the river got stuck with the expressway, now hovering far above the river, it is also true that this completed park, with its roll- ing lawns and charming balustraded walk along the river, has become the cityâ€™s front yard. The farthest, southern end of the park has a handsome private riveredge develop- ment, similar in program to a local proposal for Chicagoâ€™s river opposite the nascent Dock and Canal project east of Michigan Avenue. Portlandâ€™s â€RiverPlace,â€ while very attractively handled, is nonetheless proof that we should not put low density housing along the south bank of the Chicago River. Portlandâ€™s riverfront is good because the public uses have been mostly preserved. Privatization of our riverfront, especially since we don't have Portlandâ€™s mile-long park at our riverâ€™s edge, prevents precisely what is best about their work: there, a river town has become reconnected to its river. As it is now, we can only imagine the pleasure Chicagoans could take in strolling a mile or two along their riverfront in as gracious a set- ting as Portlandâ€™s. In Boston we met with Mildred Hailey. She is president of the Bromley Heath Ten- ant Management Corporation in Jamaica Plains. Bromley Heath is public housing, and Haileyâ€™s organization, and wonderful professional staff, can teach architects every- where about the simple dignities of daily family life that should more often guide our work. They have succeeded in taking control of, renovating, and revivifying a very trou- bled development, complete with gangs, graffiti, high rises, and poor health. We toured the remodeled apartments: now they include such innovations in public housing as living rooms large enough to accommo- date whole families, closets throughout with doors, and kitchens large enough both to prepare the food of the day and store the food for tomorrow. As Chicago's Housing Authority at last undertakes pilot programs in tenant management of its various devel- opments, we architects should have the res- idents teach us again about how to provide decent places in which to live. Bromley Heath residents know with certainty that many members of our profession are not willing to listen to their remarkably simple and rational desires. Seattle has won a special honor recently. It is now the site of the â€tallest building west of the Mississippi.â€ Martin Selig, a major downtown developer, has erected a very unâ€" fortunate black glass office building known as the Columbia Center. This unattractive and ponderous shaft of offices so enraged the citizens of Seattle that a zoning reform movement is now almost complete: the or- dinance has been rewritten and is being im- plemented. Perhaps this building has sucâ€" ceeded where so many others have failed in bringing a halt to the destruction of an otherwise beautiful downtown. The late Victor Steinbrueck, one of the leaders in the struggle to save the Pike Place Market area and the Pioneer Square district, two of Seat- tleâ€™s foremost downtown historic quarters, awakened in his fellow citizens a now ma- ture concern for what has becomeâ€"Colum- bia Center notwithstandingâ€"a very civi- lized city. No city could benefit from these lessons more than our own. We can learn much about the plans we are making for Chicago by looking at the things our neighbors have done around the country; often they are already living with the results of ideas we are considering here. As a result, we are deputizing a vast CAP posse, calling our travel agents, and getting out into Americaâ€™s summer streets and parks in search of evidence of a new City Beautiful. Itâ€™s hard, dirty work, but some- body has to do it. . .6 Howard Deciï¬iiï¬ifiiiï¬Ã©Ã©Ã©g agÃ©iagiz'rgii222; along Portlandâ€™s riverfront. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/97935c0faea9f6d0bd740b99a9657368.tif 77bd83d652d7819d25170aa5dc8a9d68 PDF Text Text -- x. 3"â€œ, (4:13." i â€œitâ€œ UPI}! â€™tâ€, man) 23d ignorance of the events surrounding the '6; killed and nine others wounded 16 years ago 'otesl. Otto National Guardsmen fired 61 shots son hÃ©solution to halt the building of the May 4 tall}: sailed the protesters â€˜terrorists, " and tenant! desecration of the American flag That 1 ad from the resolution deï¬aLthe Legionnaires have called the slain ne Legionnaire said the only thing guardsrnen icing poor shotslâ€™ aims donâ€™ t know all the facts surrounding the ' 42v are victims of. selective perception. They at to see} believe only that which follows their two of those nasty terrorists were not even saws Scheuer and Bill Schroeder were not emonstrations; they were simply walking to es were taken from them on spokesman Douglas Westley salted, "Why emetic} when this (the anti-war protest, of the ROTC building) was an act of civil as saying that civil disobedience is a crime - it. disobedience king out against the one freedom we aien enjoy ears. countless set vicemen have gLvea the}: small-s hight. to free speech withoutâ€˜ rear .5 amtretnhutlon farmland their freedoms they reacted to :1 aboutlnthedemonstrationabmldlng _ ï¬rm mm: killed by thalaction. ; , -. tin his; history, American servicemen fired ens accordingâ€œ? the Assamted Press mptoudot . . maï¬ï¬isedtheirnghebuttheywentmoâ€ tions. The ROTC bhilding should not have his were wrong. that, under the direction of former Gov: , and into the crowd of protesters. The j were - f â€™MLJI {son Kathe Sandra Scheuer and Bill - more; . rong. Now it is time to iearn from these pin the blame on militant guardsmen or t not an insult toward the servicemen who turns it is a call {or all people toloolt at our a full of mLstaltes, and learn Sitter 3M - . o..- Â«I on am out true ooooo seem-eno- .m Sâ€˜mâ€™um Edam - Sports Editor .....;...=:;........'. ..... ; ............... ...â€˜... Copy Desk t'in'ef ' .... .... Photo lid! for 5&7th Reporter Slater Reporter .... Advertising Repmcntatitv â€chasmâ€... .......................... Editorial Cartoonist â€œ-9 use?" Iva... â€givnnomoplI-IluoIon-"inï¬tkn . htnchcg-uhinn-uoonovvnoea arm â€˜ Â«.uOCl it. 2 willâ€: l- er '5 Cult: meetings and about Mrs. Jones surprise birthday party for Mr. Jones. was chronicled. at the local community hospital Fall 1983: Joeâ€™ 3 name appears again and again as he makes his senior year worth his while as a all-on. Scholarships His picture appeared among the ranks of all those promising young students. [July 1,. 1986: A bent license plate appears in the foreground of a darkened picture on the front page, police and crushed metal in the background. â€œThe name of Le victim is being withheld pending positive identification by dental records.â€ to the funnies. had been waiting for. So what remains? There has -Edltor, Slater; â€˜ The designer of the May 4 Memorial should be Ian the basic nature of design com- petitions ln general. -I thought all along that the process to select a design had been based upon the merits of the individual designs and not upon for President Schwartz and the And on itâ€™s pages Joe's lifeâ€œ J WUARYS 1966. Joeishorn senior football star. Homeâ€˜ coming. Spring 1984: From. Gradu- . â€œDAYS LATER I learned those 5;; , were Joe 8 records the â€œfoams :â€˜ Taberner. The reason {or his â€˜ â€˜ place? removal last week goes against _ . the citizenship of the artists , â€˜ creating them. I have a question ye lowing newspaper â€˜lluhings St Mary' sChurch. all dresamnp. in creamy linens and stylish bests Looking back. what do I he member? , A zany fellow in my Algebra: class who were an orange Tvshltâ€˜t all the time and had a heck of a. ' 7 time outsmartlng blnomials THERE HAS to be more than that. Look. harder else A name a race, a grin a broken pencil eraser. Thatâ€™s all theta left of Joe for. me * ' Anndajthescnryard- warped emotions of my high school years Joe: had just been another kid n my dâ€˜ass another name to vinyl on- the hack of a2: fooLhall jerseygg. .- I read the caption and turned ' l didn t even snowhim . v: I 711mm â€˜ "â€˜ d: â€˜3 "am has: that 33' was his funeral I saw a peir: of my classmates walking past. aid of Trustees: Why did you make United States citizenship a basis fut: eigLomiy in the. first p. ART IS ARIâ€ regardless of the no eternally oi the creator: I never learned in my 'sderâ€˜ - standing Architecture. {.1333 that being Cmdian was supposed to hat. 0 any affect upon the quality of an architecttn'at mowed in a can??? menus.â€ itself as a â€œmelting pot; 'ivhere bowie ~ â€˜ ' of all. nationalities 3399038.; .- â€˜ grin-iter- p. * As we drove: ml, or .- me he: made some comment about .hlossoming young people. LlTâ€™lâ€™LE Bil) I know spires of '~ [gladlolas were resting inside the church, ready to be taken :tvav .â€˜ and buried with a moist handful of soil * . .But there isnâ€™t anytlsngj; Sumnier is legendary, a gag. . son of beauâ€˜y and speed. of hand- some men and fast sacs the two should not collide. , But it happened to Joe. and in â€˜my mind all "hat moss is a twisted license paid, ,.newsprint and Joe 3 trainer. 6 an â€™ "Algebra textbook - . shit of Elearned' in summer classes. e> 3 34.139â€ -w:~,-â€".. â€".>â€" ..-. .L-.., .. a- Clause 4:; o. Sealer Nationality doesn t influence art exCept in University's melting not And. perhaps a lesson not L" have an equal chance to succeed â€˜ Tobe net â€™3 removal as destzner. topic :0 this â€˜- is a sad wohtcmxn. asexunption. His design should not have been tossed ari- :e be- cause of an arbitrarf, and need- less rule. theI Board of Trustees dideâ€˜." -. have she: 33 m selectir g the ties go to the Statue of Liberty. mglad that Scâ€˜ inert: and I .Brlauh â€˜ieath L " . Junior Telecast ..unic stions i â€œ1")â€œ V â€™ hum Â«t eav- WOâ€˜MNNONÂ£.â€œÂ¢MÂ»MÂ¢ moor n areâ€œ . ...â€"~r.--â€"uâ€"*â€œâ€˜ .5): as v ..~ no â€œ3 â€˜3 â€œH W {3.11) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/da38ac8fb3415900ca8395d7eab5914b.tif c338869de5bcd972323d51dbe62c5ae7 PDF Text Text cttoit . # tee â€tees ON GUARQFOR 154 YEARS _-_-_ Volume 155, Number 348 Â° 1986, Detroit Free Press, inc. U-M professor U-M professâ€"o; disqualified â€˜ from contest By JOHN DUNPHY 'Free Press Staff Writer A University of Michigan professor has been disqualified after he and a: , team of students and designers won a. competition to design a memorial to four Kent State University students- killed May 4, 1970. Ian Tabemer, a professor of archi- tecture, violated contest rules by tail: ing to disclose he is Canadian, a spokes- man for the Kent, Ohio. school said Wednesday. The competition was open to only US. citizens. The design will remain as the model for the memorial, but Tabernerâ€™s name; ' will be removed from the project. , , Taberner, 31, who lead the design 1. team, said Wednesday he wasâ€œ-severe- See CONTEST, page 18A. disqualified {EONTESL from Page 1A , I. l --A 1y depressedâ€ over the turn of events, adding that he was responsible for the mistake. .â€˜ 3' .â€œI would like to extend an apology to the school and the families who lost their sons and daughters at Kent State 'and those that were woundedâ€ when National Guard troops opened fire on demonstrators, he said. The prize-winning design consists of a sunken walkway and four circular rooms with walls but no ceilings. The walkway leads to an open-air auditori- um for gatherings. The memorial will lie carved into a wooded hillside near the scene of the shootings. â€˜f Taberner; his partner, Michael Fa- hey, a New York architect; 10 U-M students, and five technicians pro- duced the winning design. It was se- lected from 698 entries April 4. I .Two days later, Taberner called ' Michael Schwartz, president of Kent '4 ' a it ., it: w, l A ,. State, to reveal his Canadian citizen- ship, Schwartz said Wednesday. ; g- Taberner told Schwartz he had re- read the contest rules and discovered the US. citizenship requirement. Ta- berner said he has been in the United States since 1980 and applied for citi- zenship two years ago. ._ _â€œHeâ€™s terribly upset and I donâ€™t blame him," Schwartz said. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title News Clippings, May 4 Memorial Design Competition Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1986 Description News clippings regarding the Kent State University May 4 Memorial Design Competition, dating from May through August of 1986. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 32 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Ian Taberner papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives-32 Restrictions Entire contents of folder. Permissions Copyright Cleared (NHPRC) dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> Publisher Publisher of the original item. Some of the content included was originally published by the Akron Beacon Journal and the Record-Courier. DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Ian Taberner papers Subcollection Location Box 89 dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Kent State University. Administrators Memorials May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/467248ee0737a5e46994f75f2b90bbc6.tif 8eb1b5d351cd7745e3e30cc9620283ac PDF Text Text Communications Services news KEIIT FROM Kent, Ohio 44242 —- Phone 216-672-2727 RELEASE: FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT Upon Receipt STATEMENT OF THE JURY TO THE PRESIDENT AND BOARD OF TRUSTEES KENT STATE UNIVERSITY APRIL 3, 1986 The Jury presents its compliments to the President and Board of Trustees of Kent State University and commends their courage and determination in conducting this national competition so as to bring about a resolution of the traumatic events of May 4, 1970, and their aftermath. We believe the winning design we have chosen can achieve just that purpose. The expertly written conditions and prOgram of the Competition attracted entries of great variety, and thus served a major public purpose to which the competition was directed. We have examined all 698 in detail. ‘ .The winning entry, as well as the two other prize-winners and Honorable-Mentions, responded to the University's decision that the Memorial should "emphasize inquiry, learning and reflection." lie believe the winner clearly serves to "elevate the thoughts of visitors to a larger realm of awarenessﬂ' Its symbolism can be recognized and interpreted by the public. With these purposes in mind, we recommend to you the seven entries included herein. (more) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/421479ff40cdd0229c9429d54fac475b.tif 265827df7c93c47881ef7be415e41caa PDF Text Text First Add - Jury Statement As to the first prize design: it clearly meets the program's requirements. It subtly combines architecture, landscape architecture and sculpture. When built and fully realized as part of the campus landscape, it will be a significant addition to the University campus. It will be clearly integrated into the present scene, and into the circulation patterns and historic traditions of the University. This winning design reveals the Memorial hillside in a new and meaningful manner. It can be inserted into the landscape with minimum disturbance, so as to provide places of reflection, while offering a continuity of movement across the wooded knoll. It offers individuals and groups places for gathering in withdrawn and protected environments, just below the existing ground surface, while retaining visual contact with the larger campus scene. Those who come for shelter within comfortable outdoor "rooms" can withdraw for reflection yet remain in touch with the larger environment. The winning design clearly responds to the University's determination to honor those killed or injured on May 4, 1970, by providing four distinct open—air memorial spaces, and nine Openings along the processional route, all of them visually linking the route to the larger landscape. (more) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/23a1000160378f0f678e367889f63fac.tif a421b5362433d6f67294cb9d76c9d8a4 PDF Text Text Second Add - Jury Statement This designed environment is of a scale apprOpriate to its location. It allows the knoll and wooded hillside to remain comparatively undisturbed. All who come to and through it can contemplate scenes of an historic confrontation in a serene setting. It has a timeless quality, rather than being merely timely. The location is accessible to the handicapoped 24 hours a day; and can be appropriately night-lighted. The linear design fits into campus circulation and is especially adapted to allow the annual May 3rd candelight procession and other pilgrimages to use the Memorial without intruding upon those persons using the separate rooms. It is both a processional place, and one for withdrawal, offering a variety of experiences. The Jury concurs with the winner's recommendation that the existing pieces of sculpture scattered between Taylor and Prentice Halls be removed to free the space between the Memorial, the Hillel Monument and Prentice Parking Lot. We especially recommend a policy of careful maintenance to keep this new Memorial free of obstruction and debris. Unlike more obvious proposals, this one requires sensitive control of sight lines, lepes, views and other essentials during construction. We recommend that the University give full support to the designers as they accommodate their designs to this complex site. ### Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Press Release, Statement of the Jury to the President and Board of Trustees Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1986-04-03 Description Press release from Kent State University Communications Services, titled "Statement of the Jury to the President and Board of Trustees, Kent State University," dated April 3, 1986. The release details the jury's decisions on the winning entries for the Kent State University May 4 Memorial Design Competition. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 3 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Ian Taberner papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives-32 Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Ian Taberner papers Subcollection Location Box 89 dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Kent State University. Administrators Memorials May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/72a55316f9c437a4f2c2803bd9a917a6.tif 061b7ff51242a776bb543fe7ee3e3e4f PDF Text Text T0 WHOM IT MAY CONCERN: * I HAVE CHOSEN NOT TO EXHIBIT NY CREATIVE NORK IN THIS EXHIBITION AND THEREBY TO DISALLON THE USE OF MY NAME AND PRESTIGE AS A GRAPHIC DESIGNER TO A COUNTRY, STATE, COUNTY, CITY AND UNIVERSITY NHICH ALLONS STUDENTS TO BE NURDERED AND FACULTY TO BE INTIMIDATED BY INEPT ADNINISTRATORS AND UNSCRUPULOUS POLITICIANS NHO MAKE A MOCKERY OF JUSTICE NITH APPARENT INNUNITY. THE FEE FOR THE DESIGN OF THIS POSTER NILL BE DONATED TO THE C.A.K. FUND FOR THE PURCHASE OF AN ADDITIONAL PRINT OF THE FILM "CONFRONTATION AT KENT” PRESENTLY BEING SHONN AROUND THE COUNTRY FOR THE PURPOSE OF RAISING FUNDS FOR MEDICAL AND LEGAL AID TO STUDENTS AS A RESULT OF THE HAY ATH TRAGEDY. "xx Emacs/3 W PARK—43L,” ..... W— W“ J. CHARLES NALKER ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF ART .\‘ Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Poster: "All" art exhibition, faculty of the Kent State University School of Art Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1970-11 Description Poster includes typewritten, signed note by J. Charles Walker indicating that he has chosen not to exhibit his creative work in the exhibition and thereby disallows "the use of [his] name and prestige as a graphic designer to a country, state, county, city and university which allows students to be murdered and faculty to be intimidated...." He further indicates that the fee for his design of this poster will be donated to the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/confrontation-kent-fund-records">Confrontation at Kent</a> fund to raise medical and legal aid for students injured in the Kent State shootings. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 1 page Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the J. Charles Walker papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives-50 Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection J. Charles Walker papers Subcollection Location Box 93 May 4 Author Walker, J. Charles dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Kent State University. Faculty Reactions, Responses. Faculty, Staff Funds, Fund raising May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/64437745651e3b442f50f9679bbd509c.tif 37f5b1a50b021f546b5a38d3bd204271 PDF Text Text g â€˜ 03g 12;, 3415, RM). A'..NM1EI 6F 'ngPL-E 70 eg/ 3â€˜ mummy; ' https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/eabbeb4da018daf0462a2c7166278b8a.tif b9fca634f0db43c7fe7e2cdb730e28d8 PDF Text Text in an effort to bring to the publicâ€˜s attention the atmosphere of judicial repression and political bigotry intensified by the Special Ohio State Grand Jury report we the members of the K.S.U. community issue the following statement: 1. The report is clearly a political document which exceeds the boundries of its legal responsibilities. In addition to determining whether a crime was committed and whether evidence exists for a pro- secution, this Grand Jury passed judgement on university administra- tive policy, faculty teaching and student verbal behavior. This at* tack on the students, faculty, and administration of KSU is an attack .on the role of a university in a free society, on academic freedom in the classroom, on the student culture, as well as on individual con~ stitutional rights of all Americans. 2. The Grand Jury report exonerates National Guard and state officials whose decisions and actions led to the slaying of four Kent State students. in as much as State Attorney General Paul drown statâ€œ ed in advance of Grand Jury deliberations that he did not expect in~ dictments of guardsmen, the whitewash character of the report was foreseeable, 3. Therefore, we call for a Federal Grand Jury investigation of the May l-h incidents at Kent so that all available evidence can be considered, including the entire reports by the Fbl and the Presi- dent's Commission on Campus Unrest. This Federal Grand Jury should investigate expecially the procedure by which the State Grand Jury reached its conclusions. 4. in addition, we call on University communities and other ci- tizens across the country to show their concern over hardening polit- ical repression through a minifestation of solidarity on October 3l by participating in the non~violent mass demonstrations thr0ughout the country. On this day we urge you to show your support for the Kent 25 through your own constructive non~violent activities. Specifically, we ask you to collect money for the Kent Defense Fund and to initiate local petitions to support our.demand for a Federal Grand Jury. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/23bac316c44d7b9d4ed973abfae3c796.tif 9663f725d392e6564566dee55dc74c7b PDF Text Text KLDF NEWSEETTER II The Kent Legal Defense Fund will be raising funds for a special â€œDay Before Fundâ€. This fund is a contingency fund established by the KLDF Board of Trustees to provide a bailiand legal aid service in the event that arrests should be made in connection with political activâ€" ities at Kent this spring. The â€Day Before Fund" is currently about $5,000, which is felt to be not nearly enough to provide real secur~ ity for the community. The KLDF emphasizes that this action is in response to the indications of the Administration that it intends to attempt to restrict this May's memorial events to strictly Kent State, students and personnel, and to the whole atmosphere of fear and sus- picion engendered by the repeated statements of President White on dissent and demonstrations. In order to raise money for the Fund we will be selling buttons and posters on campus, as well as at the KLDF office, 401 Dodge St. The KLDF is also selling two books on the Kent massacre. One is I.Â§. Stones The Killings at Kent State, amd tje pther is Bill Warren S TheEMiddlE g: the quï¬try. These are available at the office, or at tables to be set up on campus. ....._.._ w-.. 9:: :â€˜nâ€˜nâ€™: The Mayday Coalition has issued a call for people from around the country to come to Kent during the first week in May. KLDF feels that for people to come into Kent at that time in large numbers may have a more negative than positive effect. In other words, it would hurt more than help. The resources ovaent are far from adequate to support a large number of people in terms of housing, or even food. Also, the tensions between the residents of Kent and the University community are such that a large input of â€foreign'' students would inÂ» â€˜flame already hot tempers.p This in no way is an endorsement of the Administration's â€our family" line in respect to the May memorial. In fact, KLDF takes the position that what happened at Kent was an integral part of a national phenï¬u menon, and that to isolate it is to distort the reality of May, 1970. The campus should be open to persons other than those directly affil- iated with the University for this period. Anyone wishing to commem- orate the events of last May, including the National Guard massacre on May 4th, should be free to do so. "â€˜* _We would also like to see memorials made on campuses around the counâ€" try. Because.what happened at Kent happened to us all, as many peo~ Plï¬tand places as possible should be involved in the commemoration. Memorial services, teachÃ©ins, speakers, all these can serve to help us remember, and remember why. - . ' ~ ftfrkkâ€˜k https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/cb0fa82d915d12978b8748da57265ba8.tif ab46e1a36396a6ad7d095ccc1f4cbae2 PDF Text Text eRo UND PAPER or FEL RRAL AND STMâ€˜E LEGAL ACTIONS IJG TO INDIâ€œ"IET* BY TI .*R OHIO sssoiLL GRAND JU11 In tie Sixth Federal District Court in Cleveland, two actions were filed on November 5 and 9, 1970. One, referred to as Hammond vs. Brown, seelgs to prevent the prosecution of indictments issued by the Ohio Special Grand Jury because (among other reasons)t1e prosecution was carried out in â€bad 1a1th" and has a â€œLL,111ng ei~ feetâ€œ on free speech; the second Adamek vs. ~rown seeks to pre~ vent the p1osecution because (among other reasons)S the whole Grand Jury procedure was carried out in bad faith and Im a c billing ofÂ» feet on First Amenoment and other ireedoms. These Sactions will be described in the following para â€œr phs. "Hammond vs. rewn" is a suit filed by 20 plaintiffs, 1ncludâ€"~ ing nine who were indicted by the Grand Jury,* a KSU student who was not indicted,** a KSU alunu1im s, five Kent clergymenj are 1 ur KSU faculty members. The 21 def>ndants ir elude RLttorney General Paul W. Brown, the tlmi e prosecutor for the Grand Juri, the 16 s members 01 the Grand JL ury (includi1g the alternate), and the Perm tage Couty Clerk 01 Court. â€Adamek vs. Brown" is a suit filed by 32 KSU 1aculty nzenbers, one of W110m- Lough â€"â€" was indieted,**% and names as defendants Attorney General Brown, the three Grand â€y prOSL cuters, and the Foreman of the Grand Jury, Robert MastÂ» S. , . . . "i U P! n s m 1 â€˜5 7 Both suits moved to nave the eouit setup a tnree~judge court t rule on the eonsLiLuLionality 01 the Ohio antiâ€"ri t law of 1968, which was the inciting to riot and Iir stâ€" and seeond~deg* riot charge 5. Federal Dist; iet Ju dge Lillian Thomas denied t motion shortly after the sui ts mere filed, on the ground that there was no substance to the claim that the antiâ€"rioL law was unconstitutional, but agreed to hear the remainders of the suiLs himseli. The hearings on these suits began November 23, and e01Â» tinned for six days, ending December 3. ee 8 The ease of Hamm 0nd vs. Brown we 8 entered by attorneys David Scribn ier, Benjamin Sheerer, Jerry Go; don, Stanley Tolliver,} Mo .ar Allis on, Carl Nash, Morto Stavis, William Kunstler, James Reii, and James Thomasson, although only the first th1 ee (as well as erald Messerman) argued the case in court. The Adamek vs . rown suit was entered and argued by attorney Geral Messerman. The two main thrusts of the suits, whi h were presented joint ly but are to be judged sepa ra ely, are to establish: (1) that tr e Ohio Special Grand Jury procedures (including the indict- meats and the report) had a chilling impact on first an endment r1 ghts and were intended to have such an impact; and (2) tlm the Grand Jury prosecution was carried out in bad faith. These iss'es * Haâ€œzuond, BliL k, Cormack, Erwin, Miller, Canfo era, Cullen, Her taler, and Weissenbe ger. The latter is charged with inciting .to riot; all are charged with firstâ€" and/or secondâ€" â€"degree rioting, some have additional charges. ** William Joy. *** For inciting to riot. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/6cbfdfe3e43ffb5a29e72a320b321dd2.tif fa4db10af56dfebcd01e25ad814fd4c3 PDF Text Text ' ' ' â€™ ~ ~â€™ A 1 w r ' 7 â€˜ â€˜* . â€™ â€™1â€˜ â€˜ "J . are central at the Federal level beeause they relate to the condiâ€" - - - ~ - ~ , . .L .i.. x r .L .. - ., tions under which a Fede~al CUUIo may enuoin (stop a State.pioseâ€" cution. There is a Federal law prohibiting Federal Courts from stopâ€" ping State prosecutions. But in 1965 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled* that a Federal Court could stop such prosecutions when: (1) there is a â€bad faith" prosecutior under an unconstitutional statute; (2) the uncenstitutionality is due to the vague or overly broad nature of the statute; and (3) the case bears on First Amendâ€" ment rights. The ruling also suggests that the Federal Court may intervene even though the stateï¬law i constitutional â€"â€" which is important because Judge Thomas ruled that the constitutionality of the Ohio antiâ€"riot law was not an issue, and because the Ohio Supreme Court upheld the constitutional ty of that law this year.** In order to show that the Grand Jury's prosecution was under- taken in â€bad faith,â€ it must be shown that the prosecution: l) was undertaken solely for the purpose of inhibiting First Amend~ ment rights; (2) in fact did so; and (3) had no hope of ultimate success. (There is some question about whether the test of "ulti~ mate success" is an issue, for it depends upon how the case is decided.) The unconstitutionality claimed in the Adamek and Hammond Suits is that by issuing both its report and its indictments simulâ€"V taneously, the Ohio Gra.d Jury deprived those indicted of their right to a fair trial - a right protected by the Fifth and Four~ tecnth Amendments to the Consitution.*** The Grand Jury not only made indictments, but gave widely publicized evidence against those indicted. "Chilling effectâ€ is a phrase used in the l965 Supreme Court decision mentioned above. It should be understood that the court system, including prosecutions, are supposed to have a chilling effect on illegal behavior. But they are not supposed to affect legal and certainly constitutionally protected behavior. Also, the claim that a prosecution has had a chilling effect on First Amendment rights can be made regardless of the success or failur~ of the prosecution. * Dombrowski vs. Pfister (1964), a case in which a civil rights organization in Louisiana was being harrassed under a sub~ versive activities statute, even without indictments actually being made against members of the organization. ** The law is still though to be unconstitutionally vague. particularly the "clear and present dangerâ€ provision. Any law is unconstitutionally vague if reasonable, ordinary people calâ€" not understand when it does or does not apply, and therefore when hey are or are not breaking the law. But the greatest legal scholars of our time disagree over the meaning of â€clear and pres~ ent danger," so how can the average citizen know when it applies? *** Oversimplidied, the FirstAaendment deals with free speech, and the Fifth and Fourteenth with due process. â€˜ ' https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/d9f3efa828113601ecff618644ccb9ad.tif 45cb67032649c78fcf337e23783b0db5 PDF Text Text â€˜10 iv,â€œ ..-....'-(,. I r -~ ~: â€œ160.4. 4.11615, ony was heard from 1 Brown, Grand aâ€œ: Robert Hastings, 0 30 KSU students â€˜I, ' 1 r-. .. aese searings (D C ) xx; 0') C i C to (. (D C4- H. CL (D (â€˜3 {1 cf {"3 if N AV: 0 F-J ' A-Aâ€"v -11, - fâ€˜ " 00.3116}, U011 , 7 â€œ . â€™- dâ€˜u '1 [-4 Â£3 Evâ€œ Co 0â€˜ :73 f: U} a J 4 ) J (j :â€˜w 0 0 0â€™3. L c)- H (r t" C) .â€˜ 0 wt: k. I H w :5 c+ O M 010:2 dÂ» O to r (â€˜4 â€™4 H Li :3' O H O myhe a O râ€™r â€™5 . ,4 - 3 9.) y. , : â€™3: Sâ€œ) i *5 (D d ,5, 93 Crâ€˜ 1.) â€˜< H V: O ('3 N 0 $3 1.1 5.! 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('3 R 0'3. :0 {:5 o H o o m (7' :5 wit â€™1 Oi LOQO H O H 9) (D Ebâ€œ â€œj G u [n H-QH be fined, 54 J. I5 â€™i wrencaswer Â«; (D H) :0 :5 G, I 2 (I) ,2: p; a; we ow e c-HS gÂ»). sis PJQ g 5.4. O W (.9 O O (0 O H *- O â€˜i U) (â€˜3â€˜ 0â€™1 0 9.) 9-7 s:uw:r 9-) m l"; U) :0 C? H: m 0 (1.4 â€™3â€˜ in Ct :13â€˜ o: 0" to m, p H: rt <1 â€™3' 0 Q DJ ctâ€ trâ€™ 0 H. 0 rt {3 {2. $3 I J .' v' :9 H' :3, *3 â€˜4 0 (9 r3! 9.) c'r U) 'S m v-l ) F *4. H. '5â€˜ C.) cf?Â» â€˜u {2.4 95 C N {L rho 0:3s ecaw. ct 5:5 w. y. P?! pa 0 E9 :3 sows â€˜00 Fâ€œ O :5 {'3 F3 O 3â€ N) CD *1. FJ wr-uAr-Jo O P: :3â€ an. H c â€˜. wrxk m r5 â€œ'99 If: H15â€œ UT: 0:! O H â€œ'33! pa *1. U} s e s 9) rtz and ounty inju was denie r G. c t 05â€˜. :â€˜i (5â€˜ o P- :5 m m 3.40 â€˜7 (I. C O â€˜96? d- and as desi C. m yet gned, in tlze {Y O L W H L 6 l au 0 $0318 0 1 ., V P- M; IÂ»: H h; â€™3 .f.â€˜ t '1 .Lâ€˜d laâ€ the crime or suspending 4â€˜ .L â€™4 Q 0-. â€˜0 04 (to CD :1 ï¬*$ 4. nu; arid 4â€˜ a emergency." .LY hen only at une under House Bill l2l9 are also university structure. be President of 1' _ CRIS- tt 1 â€™19 creates a new of honors, They 0:- automatically dismissed, be deziied degrees or r student assistance. admitted to any other state supp01ted coll period of a yea and upon J V terms of st: ict disci p11; eyes of the college or uniâ€"1â€˜ and his contract automati- ' reemployed at another ly at the discretion of subject A new section added to the 01 imina 1 code specifies the n person, in circumstances â€which create a substantial risl: of disâ€" rupting the orderly conduct of lawxul activities at a college or university, â€œ shall willfully or kn wingly engag e in these activi~ ties: â€˜ 1. Enter upon the campus or buildings without permission or refuse to leave upon reque t of proper authority. LS AAUP meeting at KSU, November 12, l970 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/8dac2b78279ac288e51042142f0f1ee1.tif f176ab09300c560cec9e981c5a3345c8 PDF Text Text nâ€˜nJ- 3 2. Violate any rcstricti n on access, curfew or restii tion on assembly during a state 0: emergency declared by the board oi trrstees or by the urcslucnt 'f the universit 3. Engage in conduc; which urges or incites other: to violet any restrictions on ac es: to a campus or to fuse to leave a campus or huilding. a. W'llfully or knowingly, with force or Violence, disrupt the orderly conduct of the lawful activities of the colle Hg r university; r engage in conduct that threater s or inâ€" volves serious inju dry to persons or pronerty at a college or university. a m'sdemeanor, and if the c eloyec is convicted he is " â€™ or imprisonment for not to ense. For any subse-~ im iorisonment may run d imprisoned. [â€˜4 Violation, the neJ code dent, faculty or staii' men iect to a fine 0i not m re than 30 days, or both, for offense, the fine may run t months ~â€"~ or he may be both 0 H +4 V rd. (0 .I. ) .5 H â€˜h u (L .- Câ€˜ (-3 >4" 5) dfuâ€˜ 0:7;300'1 '0â€˜ (34$: or (0:5 CDC Fl. (1'. l i 1 CD ~c>e OH C'â€œpQ E; ()0?- C O {I O S (I? . H3 U1 H H C Iâ€ C) * 1 O " 3 p.17! '5' M4 C) I": 1"?) C) U} H' (a {â€˜9 (3 1e new lehislation ca 11s f r the "pooirtment of a reier hie BOâ€˜rd Oi Regent â€" as been arrested ays of the arrest. *3 v. n tu dent or iaculty or sta ree will hold a hearing all legal power to cond nature. The university or r 3 . ..: '.yÂ¢ ylpd' (DO :33" "3' p: ). â€˜7â€˜ r-q' 0 Â£7 H-m (â€™2 F) F) (D ("F :3 9) F4) f: â€™3â€™ .1. he arrest will be requi The reiâ€˜eree does not re-, if he iinds suffieâ€™ on suspended. J .I , 5 .1. U as 9â€˜ . ("0 Fl. ("F F: (D (u 1 :3" U) Ci W O 93 (7) (l7 ,5 c g- (D I. <1 VI 0 ' 04 SJ 0 F" :5â€ H; 5, may perniit â€œstrict disciâ€" The refc; ec also, under certa a- i ctto appeal individual to return to tlze c p nary probation. " The suspension or Wl:hin 20 days in the county common i 'he offenses. which, if corrit taif member, are subject to rocedure plus criminal penal egree riot, first~degree rio ) tâ€œdent. faculty â€" *1 spcnsion and s9 include "menacin . t , inciting to riot, and e. i CUE C) {5' CU E: C.) is l '0' $27 5:: Cr U) {'1 One of the 55 referees appointed to order suspensions as he sees iit is Scabury For an Onio Special Grand Jury Pr secutcr 7120 was quoted by the Akron Beacon Joui nal (October 24, 1970) as zaving said the following: â€œNational Guardsmen on campus last May should have shot all the troublemakers. ... The incidents were com- .4 ")1, munist inspired. ... I' ink the whole damn country is not going to be qu iet until police are ordered to shoot to kill. hâ€™hy didn't the Guai d shoot more of them?â€ (And now, from the same people who or ught you the Grand Jui y report, ...) 1219 has so far been inâ€" voiced on a student who was restraining his hysterical girlfriend, rd its use has been threatened in a meeting of administrators and 5 AL. â€"cuity members. IÂ» b {â€˜0 C) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/67a4b308ab3e8b461f2d99840b7c89d2.tif 0f5074103cedabcd31b8f400d2ff3473 PDF Text Text 'Side Two *%*** The Kent Legal Defense Fund is currently involved in its second na~ tional fund raising campaign. A mailing to $100,000 people around V the country has so far brought in about $l2,000, and it is hoped will increase as more reSponses come in. A previous mailing of 100,000 letters yielded $45,000. Altogether the Fund has raised more than $85,000 since its formation last fall. We have had expenses of 30,000, and will be Spending much more in the future. Should tria s of the 25 cases take piece, costs will run to more than $250,000. Contributions, or requests for buttons or posters, should be sent to KLDF, 401 Dodge St. or Box 116, Kent, Ohio 44240. ' ' The Board of Trustees, at their last meeting, were informed that there have been indications from Columbus that Attorney General Brown may wish to proceed with the pre~trial motions of the 25. This would mean that, while actual trial of the cases will not take place until the Federal Courts rule on the KLDF federal suits now on appeal, all pre-trial may be disposed of now. These would include motions to dismiss the indictments on various bases, as well as questions on the trials and procedure. ' ' - At the same meeting the Board agreed to retain John Carmen as an inâ€" vestigatOr to help with the research for the cases of the 25. His work will be coordinated by the litigation committee. ' J '5.â€ 3 Â«â‚¬7va '3: The Trial of the â€Flag Theee" has been postponed until at least May. The three, Bruce King, Mike_Brock, and Norm Caulfield, were arrested on charges of flag desecration stemming out of the February 5 demonâ€" stration protesting the invasion of Laos. ' ' *%#** Kent Legal Defense Fund 401 Dodge St. â€˜ Box 116 Kent, Ohio 44240 Phone: (216) 673-7981 Please se'd me buttons (targetgï¬‚ï¬ â€Kent 25Â§:_ï¬People's Peace Treatyâ€œ*_' postÃ©hs information . Name Address Zip â€œ21,5; , Men-mi ex, Aifsrzqgl. â€"â€"â€"â€"â€"â€"â€"â€"'â€"â€"â€"â€"â€"â€"â€"â€"â€"â€"â€""â€™33Lâ€" https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ccdc77abe1b8b4c95aa07a7bf9bd450e.tif 85b9168332cc4908c4c434e62b042191 PDF Text Text ... ,3 â€".Â»~ r: .1. k..- . t .,_, . 73 3.)â€œ J. C~1 C h e 8 :.IM . 1 .t e o ...... h h n Â«n... f l m. M... t S . t O t e .0 L O 1. t r V. n r S e . ... r a f n .F i t m. a O .. l .. . .....m QL C 11â€" AL DAL . 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M... m o m. m w m . i s .. w z I d o a t O r n s m ..-. 7 .1 MW e m m w 9 I .m L m m t m m. a i o m. w M... i .... m s A. b n h o e i .. . a ..-. h K. . ... .. C a . ,1. i 0 e n C h J .1 d a t . l W ..-. O .1 e ... 4 S D. 7 .l K T .. S I . V .. n n e . . . . u Â«a m a u b ... ... .1 M aâ€ S .m.. M... Mu. m... m... H W _ U. m m m. % .NJ ...... V . a m MW. .0. w w m M... M .. S a .r . ... 5 I ... _ 2 ... . . n. w .... h ._ . .. .... ... -... . a... . c _ C 7. T. S M... e R n... S C D. . C t .e .m WM .c.â€œ a m. b MW. . . C .C .... ..L H. ...... mw MW 0 ...... 3 .10 .... .L. e t .1 t O .l ..- r ... e S 1; m .m w R S p .1 O O . ..w .w A .l ...L .1 LL .0 r ...M .e m r h S n .. r a L ... .. . _. . c - 1 a. . ... .. . .. .. e .. o u f c a r t u o h o r c n t h a .m. .m. 1m m , N Wm . .. h .3. .... o. o t L .... . c s b a . . c b o _ a e o A J t t l d a i S T r . . _ it Q 'Q 12â€™. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/37cdf715f0b3d3bdfb43e27078f94704.tif 9b606d2b56ac916a779f14cf28a88415 PDF Text Text q // tâ€™ 7/]71Â» g 777/ ~ â€œ37% Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent Legal Defense Fund: Publications Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1971 Description Publications produced by the Kent Legal Defense Fund in 1971. Some materials are undated. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 11 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Kenneth J. Hammond papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/kenneth-j-hammond-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Kenneth J. Hammond papers Subcollection Location Box 23 dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Legal cases, Litigation, Trials Reactions, Responses. Students KLDF (Kent Legal Defense Fund) Funds, Fund raising May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/262761f0cd0da10257fafce9857ce678.tif 9705004e925a043eb942d1c7ddc2367b PDF Text Text {HZ Kt Jâ€™er523iiAâ€˜r'zW Mow: M5 551' W W SEPT. 2970-71: m7 , a?) amwwm' 4);"? FEAR AM!) FRVJTÃ©l-mâ€™awl â€œ(Ammo filmâ€œ; 1745 Jï¬amL/Ã©f mm 9â€™33- :1 râ€™wwnowgÃ© Hum: Â«.42 sienna. mamÂ»? joï¬‚â€˜)â€™ 1wÂ» Awe oumut. rmeâ€˜ ï¬remen Feaouwc 4m; 1w?â€œ 2.5 :mmrmewx. we 59sz ï¬wauÃ© Pmâ€˜ï¬ï¬‚. mos wanâ€™fa'p/ M A SW5â€œ ofâ€˜ IHEâ€™PLD To â€™i/uâ€™E {MAIL fulï¬l/3L. CO/â€˜th/Nln l5.) F6Â»? 0495th ï¬g jnqngâ€™rg, M :â€˜771. M5 WWW/awâ€ } â€mumâ€œ m3 hY MIT AEAHET (sf/35m: 4s: LÃ©ï¬" new W inâ€œ M7) 10 how? 1â€™0 coLoMoo.;T M95 57;:0M{:.)â€™ JNFs,urâ€™+/câ‚¬â€™0 5â€™37 A 657.0%? 6f Fitâ€"5M Mam/VJ CALL-F9 I/Tmfmwsrs. r,â€œ W u/ï¬lï¬‚'fï¬/ FOR {AM MAY â€˜/â€"~ Niwï¬‚wb 7M7" 9â€™ 5., 9(9â€˜571/ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/b63220c359398d7e2dfcea641fcacb69.tif c9b1710c1919d5daac7b8b6275625bcf PDF Text Text Organizing in Kent: Perspectives for Fall 1971 Once again we approach that joyous time of year, the reâ€"opening of school and the return of hoardes of students to the Kent Community! Ah, the anticipation of the first bomb threats, the rallies, the marches, its almost too exciting! Of course, there will be the traditional winter "off-season", but then the great annual Spring Offensive is sure to be bigger and better than ever. â€˜ Seriously, though, it seems that we are about to set out anew on this oftâ€"traveled route which, alas, has thus far led us nowhere. This little scribble is a plea for us all not to get locked into the same old routines and patterns again, but to try and loosen things up a bit; and get some things moving which have up to now either been immobile or, for us, "irrelevant". We all know that this country is in crisis. The major surprise is that things seem to be getting worse faster than we anticipated. One reason for the surprise may be that we have all along been putting out theory which we did not really believe would be materializing around us. But now this is happening. The Indochina War is still a miasma for American imperialism, and now the contradictions of capitalism in the domestic economy are crucially rising. The imposition of wage controls and price "voluntary restraint" is a drastic step for the American ruling class. It is the beginning, perhaps, of the end of the Labor Aristocracy bullshit about American workers being somehow exempt from the oppression of captial. Beyond these concerns, the fabric of American society is shredding in a variety of areas, from health care and education to Nader-like consumer unrest. The ecological crisis is growing so rapidly that the editors of Fortune_have to put out their own book to tell people "how to think about the environmental crisis". The Contradictions around ecological destruction are so great that without resolving them, whatever happens in other areas of political action may well be totally irrelevant. But it's not really essential to enumerate the issues and events we are concerned with. Let's talk about what some new approaches might be. Not really new, we have all talked about these various things from time to time. But now maybe we could get ideas together in some kind of common program. For example, rather.than focus on '"mass" meetings as a forum for debate (or anything useful) large gatherings should rather be used for films, speakers, debates (formal) or other such educational work. This type of session could be put on fairly regularly, with various small' groups of people handling logistics for specific programs. Some sort of loose, communityâ€"wide co-ordinating body should be set up, ranging from campusâ€"oriented groups like sds to the KLDF, Community Project, ECO and related groups, etc. Hope- fully a newsletter or paper will begin to appear regularly. This could serve as a coâ€"ordinative device in itself, as well as a forum for struggle, and an information rag. What this thing is all about, really, is getting people who know_each other, and who feel a basic similarity of outlook on America and Kent to open up to each other and try to get down to some work. Things have drifted along here for quite some time, with Sponteous actions that are basically a drain on resources being about the only thing happening. If Kent is to become the Crazies Capital of America that's ok, but we should bitch about how fucked up things are without trying at least to get together. Maybe we really can't work together, but let's find out. Paul Probius Coalition for Change Anybody that can relate at all to this should check out Anti-Mass at the Community Store for ideas about people might go about getting it on. PP https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/cec74ac706c8353eeb2f6f74f9bd0530.tif acc45bd9573e9477df88f6d2238bba5b PDF Text Text l rmnved directly against ROTC. '49,â€™ ALL POWER TO TEL PEOPLE! On April 8th, 1969. and again in May, 1970: Kent State Unive~sity was presented with demands calling for the abolition of ROTC and the end of war research at Kent. In 1969 it was sds which raised these issues. In 1970 it was a rally Of over 600 people which formulated the demands; and thousands Cf people In both instances the direct response of the administration was physical repression., In April 1969 sixty some people were trapped in the Music and Speech Building and busted for â€tress- passing". Several thousand dollars and months in jail were costs to the Mavement at that time. In Hay, 1970, the campus was oo- cupied and the National Guard shot thrteen people, killing fgur and wounding nine. Arrests and other hassles have continued since then, and the special state grand jury will likely attempt to whitewash the acts of thousands of students as simply results of super-human agitators, ignoting the real alienation oiâ€˜vast numbers of students tromlthe university and society at Now, the university is seeking to combat the Movement on this campus by putting an its "Power to the Peaceful" Think Week. The University still runs a ROTC program, and is continuing to dw war research, thus directly aiding the government in proseâ€" cuting rampant genocide in Vietnam, Lass, and Cambodia. Yet it holds up the slogan â€Peace". This is sheer hypocrisy. It serves the interests of the administration which must preserve erder on campus, and it completely neglects the needs and desires of students who are rightfully angry about war and repression. If the University wishes to support the use_of violence by the 'overnment it must grant its validity as a tactic in the fight or social change. Or, if it wishes to pursue "Power to the Peaceful" in a consistent way, it must stop ROTC, and end war research, now! The hypocrisy of Think Week must not go unchallenged. The University must respond to the demands of May lst. American agression against the peoples of Southeast Asia must be halted. Each 5f us must do his part. â€™ SEIZE THE TIME! Kent Liberation Frent 559T. 1970 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/78998966d29a08bdff4c74c21c74af46.tif 7c73bef7ca7707b715ad856fb31059eb PDF Text Text FIGHT FOR CHANGE, SUPPORT THE DEMANDS For the past two years a image segment of students at Kent State have organized around certain issues vital for change in the United States. Last spring's events only heightened the importance of further action around those issues. At this time, KLF, YIP, SRL, and YSA would like to formally re-issue and Submit these demands to the administra- tion: 1) ABOLISH ROTC -- ROTC provides a significant portion of junior officers for the American armed forces, thus playing a key role in the military maintenance of America's empire in the third world. ' 0â€˜1 .._ _._ F P 3â€œ x .bÂ» 1 l--l 2) END ALL MILITARY RESEAPFF, C 13D OR UNCLASSIFIED War research is only a 07- .mscie ~ pression of people's struggles. A Vietnamese killed by a technological advance is as dead as one killed by a bullet. War research plays a crUCial role in the U.S. military machine. ' ) pl) 1. O 3) FREE ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS -â€" Political prisoners in jails today are not jailed because of what they have done, but because of how they think. The power structure has no right to hold our people in prison and should release them immediately. The UniverSity should go on record as supportâ€" ; ing their release. 4) ALL AGENTS OF STATE REPRESSION OFF CAMPUS â€"â€" The FBI. CIA, Highway Patrol, 3â€˜ rifâ€' Pepartment, NARCS, and other agents have no place here except to oppress people. There- fore they are enemies and should be removed from campus. The University should refuse to coâ€"operate with all off camâ€" pus law enforcement agencies. In addition, the Law Enforce- ment School, with its special grant to develop campus secur- ity systems, should be abolished. Finally, campus police should be disarmed at once. 5) OPPOSE STUDENT AND NONâ€"STUDERT INDICTMENTS â€"~ The Ad- ministration must align itself in opposition to the issuing of indictments against people for last May's events. It must also oppose the drug indictments which represent a clear political attack on our cul+ure. If students and non-students are indicted, the Universit; must assume complete financial responsibility for defense. These demands are non-negotiable. The administration cannot ignore them any longer! ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE ' YIPPIE! Kent Liberation Front, Youth International Party Student Religious Liberals, Young Socialist Alliance JEPâ€˜Y. ocf. )9? 0 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/dfa852a3f8f7989551be6c653ed549d5.tif 4611093fb072403da7dc0a7a352d1fee PDF Text Text ROTC MUST GO NONE What is the purpose of ROTC? ROTC provides 50% of the army officers, 35% of the Navy officers. and 30% of the Air Force officers. ROTC pursues an active recruitment campaign, including literature, spe~ cial mailings and meetings, and use of college catalogues. Thus, the primary function of ROTC is as a recruiting agency for the United States Military Forces. The U.S. has a highly advanced technology which demands foreign raw materials. To secure these economic interest the U.S. has created a massive military network around the world to extract the resources available at the point of a gun. Whenever people rise up against this oppression, over- seas or at home, the military is activated. Examples of this are Santo Domingo, Vietnam, Korea, Cambodia, the slaughu. ter of four students at Kent, two at Jackson State, the shooting of six black peOple in Augusta, and the murder of two more students in Kansas. The military is also often used to put down mass demonstrations and striking workers. The â€˜ most recent examples of this are the Teamster and Postal strikes last spring. In additon, military aid to "friend- ly" countries insures the maintenance of arrangements favorâ€" able to U. S. big business. Those who consider ROTC as voluntary fail to distinguish between the institutional freeddm of ROTC to recruit on campus and the freedom of the Vietnamese and third world people. The human freedom of the people of the world is at stake. Southern plantation owners of the 19th century said their rights were being denied when they were no longer permitted slave ownership. Such "freedomâ€ now is considered intolerable! Freedom to oppress is no freedom at all. Getting rid of ROTC would move the struggle forward for the world's people and would deal a heavy blow to Unitd States imperialism. END ROTC! Kent Liberation Front jcâ€™Ã©â€™iâ€" 06"". 19'! O https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/59eeb4e8fdbd92de4e67d9ea0161020b.tif 6b295c1ba52c37c6f2a761c7cf1f1499 PDF Text Text Rent Liberation Fran; DEFEND YOURSELF~~SUPPORT THE DEMANDS The special state grand jury convened to investigate the diSa turbances at Kent last May will end its deliberation this week, and all indications are that Kent students will be indictedâ€"â€" for â€œriotingâ€œ and â€arson", "inciting to riot" and â€œconspiracyâ€œ. This is a serious situation, and people can't begin too early to get themselves together for defense. The issues at stake are, of course, politiCal ones~-they involve the actions of people as they struggled for basic political demands they felt were necessary and politically relevant. These demands still exist, and have been virtually ignored by the university administration and the community at large. As stated by the rally held May lst and attended by over five hundred people, the demands are: l. ABOLISH ROTC The Reserve Officer Training Corps provides a significant pro- portion of the junior officers required for duty in Southeast Asia and elsewhere in the world where the United States is in- volVed in military or advisory actions. The elimination of ROTC would deal a genuine blow to the U.S. military, and would â€™ materially advance the cause of the peoples of Southeast Asia. Actions around the elimination of ROTC are not symbolic, they are- very real and very important to the cause of freedom. 2. END UNIVERSITY WAR RESEARCH War research is a less direct example of campus complicity with the war, but it is no less vital to the functioning of the mil- itary establishment. Kent's contribution to the war effort in- cludes a grant from the Defense Department to the university under the title â€Project Themisâ€. 3.. FREE BOBBY SEALE AND ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS The growing repression of black people in general and attacks On the Black Panther Party specifically make prisoners like BObby Seale not only political prisoners but also prisoners of War. This threat to black people effects us all as we fight for frredom and change, and the question of political prisoners ï¬rings us right back to the subject of Kent and what is happening erec _ The best defense we have at Kent is the existence of a large body of people willing to take actionâ€"~action to defend lactated students and action to push for political demands. This is not the time for fear and weakness, it is a time for courage aid strength. Our strength comes only from each other; to 180~ late ourselves in fear is to invite defeat--defeat in the courts and defeat for the demands. We therefore call for a meeting to discuss the joint issues of defense and politcal action. 1 . 3 . WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 7, I970, ROOM 106 BOWMAN $7<27CAJ . . l https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/49916bdb702e13e9c267c8576108cfda.tif 1e4cbb1121bd7245f21f2a2798eb4aa6 PDF Text Text THEREâ€™S A MAN GOING 'ROUND TAKING NAMES By tomorrow morning, Tuesday, the first indictments of the special state grand jury should be issued. These indictments are a direct attack, not only on individual people, but on the revolu- tionary struggle as a whole. The four days of May were an integral part of a Movement against the policies of imperialism and racism which form the principle SUppnâ€˜t for American capitalism. By at-' tacking ROTC, and by demanding freedom for Bobby Seale and all political prisoners, the â€œVolunteersâ€ of Kent posed a real threat to the opressive rule of capital in America. The response to that threat was quick and violent. But shooting and killing' wasn't enough. The enemy wants to destroy our will to resist, and make us "good little kidsâ€œ. In this ef- fort coâ€"optation is just as dangerous as an MÂ»1. He saw one attempt in Think Week. Others will follow. The revolution can- not allow itself to be led astray. We must maintain an indepenâ€" dent defense, a political defense. Cir L,;t defense is the revo- lution. â€œOf course we will try to stay out of jail, using all the legalistic tactics necessary. But pushing for the four demands and keeping the Movement alive and strong will be our best hope., There are specific needs to be met. The People's Defense Fund of Kent needs money, and people to collect money in dorms. There will be leaflets to get out, and other work will come up as we go on. For people who get busted, keep in mind the defense number 864-4352. Put up a unified, political defense. We hope to ferce bail down by staying in jail and putting a drain on their resources. In this we need everyone's co~operation. We are coming to some hard times. we need each other more than ever. In the long run we will win. We Should be Together! To live we must love To love we must survive To survive we must fight. Defend yourselfi Kent Liberation Front 12 October, 1970 â€˜7<Â¢ â€˜N. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/e6d3b156431ee2024467c4e1c9ba3e50.tif 6e1fcb8f442cf3330d8af46ac1a03a66 PDF Text Text â€œâ€˜ VMAVLQI773 LIFE IS NOT A SPEC'JTâ€˜Aâ€˜Iâ€˜OR SPORT: The history of our times calls to mine those Walt Disney characters who rush madly over the edge of a cliff without seeing it, so that their imagination keeps them suspended in mio~air: but as soon as they look sown and as where they are, they fall. The world is falling apart around us while we gleefully pursue our fantasies of the future: Armageddon in the guise of the Age of Aquarius or the McGovern campaign. The truth is that the world must be remade, and all the experts in re conditioning will not be able to stop it. We are trapped in a society of illusion, of the Spectacle. It is so all pervasive that it becomes invisible. yet it is the mechanism through which all social relationships are mediated. Television. newspapers, movies, records, sopors, all these are agents of the Spectacle, as indeed we are ourselves. We live our lives as though they were movies, and who has not felt this? This is the â€œrepressive toleranceâ€œ of Earcuse gone mad, the ultimate denial of life in the creation of the illusion of living. YOU'VE GOT A LOT TO LIVE AND PEPSI'S GOT Pa LOT TO GIVE The plasticity of those around us is merely the reflection of our own REFUSAL TO LIVE. We seek to organize the production of our daily lives spontaneously. Conscious living alone can save us from the trap of acceptibility. For the moment the only poetry is that of the streets, of people in motion. the ï¬.NIHUH PROGRAM is THE ACT OF DESTRU TION; it is the political act par excellence. Ho rules or regulations for this. The revolution must be a matter of daily life if we are to combat the fascination of power. The desire of domination remains the rule of the moment, the mentality of the freed slave, the inversion of obedience in order to be obeyed, they mysticism of institutions and the religion of ORDER. To ROOT OUT FASCISâ€˜T ANY.) DES ROY OPPRESSIOIâ€˜I' IT IS NECESSARY TO PASS THROUGH CHAOS. We must Seek not only the destruction of our longvrecognizeu enemies like Nixon, ROTC or the National Guaru. We must transcend the mystifications of the Spectacle, demand life on our own terms, overthrow the state, the church, and that most oppressive institution, which predates this capitalist era, the FKvIILY . Our collective hallucinations of life can only be shattered in the creation of a totally new order. Joy is revolutionary. Revolution is joy. ï¬isery is not some private cross to bear but the product of life destructive social systems, of oppressive relations of production, and between people. DUE"; VIVIHUS , â€˜vâ€™IVAiâ€™IlUS! WHILE: WE HAVE LIFE, LET US LIVEE VANDALISTS "' COLLECTIVE.â€ OF KENT Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent Liberation Front: Publications and Leaflets Description Publications and leaflets produced by the Kent Liberation Front from 1970 to 1971. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 8 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Kenneth J. Hammond papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/kenneth-j-hammond-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1970 1971 DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Kenneth J. Hammond papers Subcollection Location Box 23 dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). KLF (Kent Liberation Front) Reactions, Responses. Students Flyers, Leaflets May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0827f78323ab5c5faf23820a8a41f2ba.tif f783adcb3e15fcf77f540dbc3847bae4 PDF Text Text / [M NMDM COAL/ï¬‚orâ€™ (Devil-Â£0 ma Piano mom TMTÂ» HA? 2771. IT was rmoe VP of A was: maxim-7 0F Pgom, Pnonmw fem: BioADEï¬‚' WXSFO LiFT â€œLeanâ€ AT new? EVER. (Mace â€˜TEMS â€011â€™â€ F005 0,; mg /35" ANszï¬ï¬â€"mnâ€"Y of Iâ€™M? f/ â€˜7</â€œ7/ 7753 6â€˜25?â€œ â€œA7237 MS Mâ€˜avr M az'ï¬iâ€™ovsÃ© To Oahwï¬aamodg 0" M M1?â€œ ff. ABMâ€œ? ï¬‚: zoâ€˜iâ€˜ 0/ ram? lâ€˜7â€˜7/. no)? Â«71â€˜ â€™maz Libneâ€˜f} wax: xvÂ»! as? aw A Mnâ€œ 1â€˜77 wra Am 1 {30ch Fan â€™30 m 5391â€™. r720. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/e51a0f39316c6e3b05d508c195cb4cd9.tif e61e66e193189dadf9d0cfaeb8575ea8 PDF Text Text It happened to us â€œallâ€ they say--. ...and ve agree. The events of May lâ€"M, I970, unquestionably affected every member of the university community. Does this mean, however, that the factors underlying the massive dissent originated here and resulted in a situation that Dr. White claimed, in his letter of March 29th, is â€œuniquely ours aloneâ€? With this we must disagree. That which happened to us all and left four of us dead and nine wounded grew out of a situation which continues to exist and which is hardly the making of a handful of radical students. We moved against the lndochinese war and its expansion into Cam~ bodia. The war continues. Although the war was a major factor in the student actions of last Spring, the administration apparently hopes that we'll forget it since it isn't "uniquely ours aloneâ€. We feel that it should be one of the primary areas of concern durâ€"- ing May.l-4,'197l. Since Dro White has consistently refused to state his position on the war, it is quite clear that he hopes to continue to evade the entire question. What happened to us all was not merely four dead and a closed unâ€" iversity. The Grand Jury Report of October 16, 1970, noted that martial law had not been declared on May M, 1970. There was, there~ fore, no basis for abridging the right to assemble. Four died and nine were wounded after the National Guard attacked what all admit was a lawful openâ€"air meeting. Clearly, the authorities objected to what was being said rather than to some nonâ€"existent illegal action. The repressive attitudes upon which the shootings were based continue to exist and are as dangerous as the violence with which they were enforced upon us all. This evident willingness to eliminate all dissent should obviously be dealt with during the May activities. With these considerations in mind, we proposed that during Mayâ€™ 1â€"4, 1971, an all campus Open~forum be created and facilities be made available to groups for workshops and speakers on a nonâ€" restrictive basis. These proposals were made to the second open meeting of the President's May Fourth Memorial Committee. An inâ€" tegral part of the proposals was an orientation against violent. confrontation of any sort. The members of the committee indicated that they had no power to do anything other than â€œsuggest" programs and speakers to the administration._ Why the administrationâ€™s speak~ ers and programs could not be fitted into an openâ€"forum approach was never answered. The legitimate channels for the dialogue the administration claims it desires don't seem to exist. We therefore call for a coalition of KSU students to be formed for the purpose of speaking to the ques~ tions of war and violent political repression by the authorities. We emphasize that no confrontation with anyone is sought and we conâ€" tinue to hope that the administration will adopt the openâ€"forum idea for the May activities. ' None of us can allow the administration to overlook these ques~ tions, however. The effects of the war and the denials of the right to dissent continue to happen to us all and make it necessary for us to unite. IT IS NOT ENOUGH TO REMEMBEI; WE WUST REMEMBER WHY~ OPEN MEETING THURSDAY, APRIL 1 7:30 COMMUTERS' CAFETER A Kent May Day Coalition 7<Q - NW https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/8dab80d891e0d36fa5c4eceb8874c9c2.tif bad6396033a3de29947578f309827de9 PDF Text Text TN yï¬‚Ã©DAy ' i; {122V Hib/ 0â€? mALrYM-J ï¬‚y Scan/NV.â€ ' .4 BOARâ€"0 av "ngvmâ€˜ï¬E! AM EXPLtmTkY TAMM ugm . :53: 5mm emu? prfcvfcâ€˜nâ€œ JV â€œWWâ€"W â€™ 4' g. â€™4 77â€˜" sac/mm {3th pow, fox/EÃ©lÃ© Qua/11M mac (mow. /.'TNV:L/MS/ Heaâ€˜rws, Â£sz tuÃ©ONï¬f/Jâ€˜W ' weomawAy 50V$MÂ§ Iâ€™Mâ€ 376wâ€: 4) 23Â» M ifï¬vï¬. A .5W/{Ium fdk (LAM mcwwu. W? I}. Sâ€™FMEMMâ€˜. 91M? (Â«EH/HD- 9wâ€œ! r4333â€)? https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/e1512e7c3a77e55649caa5ea23bbf233.tif a24f8ef56581e874cf2454c6be965594 PDF Text Text RALLY Â» TUESDAY NOON COMMONS RALLY TUESDAY NOON COMMONS THE HOUB'S GETTING LATE "There are many here among us Who think li?e is but a joke. But you and I, weâ€™ve been through that, And this'is not our fate So let us not talk falsely now The hourâ€™s getting late.â€ Bob Dylan The past week in Kent has been a rebellion,' It has been an outburst against a society from which increasingly large numbers of people feel deeply alienated. We live from day to day besieged with plastic realities and jingles about the "real thih8"~ We see a genocidal war dragging on for ten years and are tald it is "winding down", only to see a new expansion into Laos and Cambodiao Our classes are geared to a production line educational system which serves the interests not of ourselves ibut of a small class of rich and powerful men. We are made into objects, Consumers and producers programmed to maintain and ex- pand the profitable functioning of American capitalism. These basic contradictions are concretely manifested in our community in ROTC and the military prsence on campuse in the use oflegal rip~offs against the movementg such as Mike Brockgs flag frame up or the latest ROTC busts? and in the rip~off context of â€˜our lives, , The resentment against this is very real. Yet because of the antimideological indoctrination we all were drenched in from our youngest days, we often simply throw up our hands in despair at this â€senseless" life. This is what has been happening on North Water Street. People have been spontaneously venting their angern yet not.giving it a political context or direction. Some - comrades on the street have gone so far as to say, "We can't win â€˜anywayg so they might as well beat on us ifnthey want to." This defeatism in the crowd works to further lower consciousness and defuse any potential political thrust. Lack of political thrust seems to indicate that our alienation is amorphous and not conâ€" crete. But in fact most of us know, at least generally; that we are alienated from the capitalist system. When we talk about coâ€"operatives, communities; etc., we express this speciiic focus of our frustration. The point of this is simply to say that while the energy of the people is beautiful, if we are to g9 something with that energy we need some direction and organization. We have seen many sponâ€" .taneous rebellions in the past. We should learn that they do not persisv longa The very real force of the state is reed to stop us, through lass busts which deplete our resources and intimidate people, through beating isolated people as "examples", and even through murder. In the past week over ninety brothers and sisters have .been jailed, ten or more warrants are out for the ROTC Review action. These busts hurt us. They weaken us when we most need to be strong. As long as we are loose and un~together we are very VthBTuble. _ There is work to be done, a new world to be created. Let's build a movement which can be ongoing, capable of sustained-pol~ ,itical activity. With.this movement we can.fight in.a real way to Q â€5â€˜ .,*7 z. * , _ , â€˜z. in. Ctr,â€ .x _, .3 - v . , M} {._5 ï¬t; 739-"? â€˜1.._,'.â€˜.â€˜r-,JML(â€œ5-U _.'. L313," to 1- . ' '5â€˜ ",'i . "â€˜ w .ï¬r- -'; 27., " 5 "â€˜"ns n 4â€˜. 4k... .4; U u (MUN-s sfâ€™. b . .â€˜i-â€˜-:.4,..>L.z ; ~.-' .- ".7.â€" -.- Â» defend ourselves against repression. .. O, r U .g iv- 1/]. L.._I FIGHT BEPHESSION . FREE ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS â€˜ BALLY- NOON COMMONS: TUESDAY RALLY NOON COMMONS __________________________;4____4____Ã©_______i________L4gn__ï¬‚iAAL_LQLUL___4________ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/d408d9e81541911118d4dbbb736a0224.tif dba0bf88d2635722353b59f00c4c17e1 PDF Text Text RALLY TUESDAY NOON COMMONS RALLY TUESDAY NOON COMMONS THE HOUB'S GETTING LATE "There are many here among us Who think life is but a joke. But you and I, weâ€™ve been through-that, And this'is not our fate So let us not talk falsely now The hour's getting late.â€ Bob Dylan The past week in Kent has been a rebellion. It has been an outburst against a society from which increasingly large numbers of people feel deeply alienated. We live from day to day besieged with plastic realities and jingles about the "real thing". We see a genocidal war dragging on for ten years and are tald it is "winding down", only to see a new expansion into Laos and Cambodia. Our classes are geared to a production line educational system which serves the interests not of ourselves but of a small class of rich and powerful men. We are made into _objects, consumers and producers programmed to maintain and ex- pand the profitable functioning of American capitalism. These basic contradictions are concretely manifested in our community in ROTC and the military prsence on campusa in the use oflegal rip~offs against the movement. such as Mike Brockzs flag frame up or the latest ROTC busts, and in the ripâ€"off context of â€˜our lives. . The resentment against this is very real. Yet because of the antimideological indoctrination we all were drenched in from our youngest days, we often simply throw up our hands in despair at this "senseless" life. This is what has been happening on North Hater Street. People have been spontaneously venting their angern yet not giving it a political context or direction. Some . comrades on the street have gone so far as to say, "We can't win 'anyway. so they might as well beat on us ifvthey want to." This defeatism in the crowd works to further lower consciousness and defuse any potential political thrust. Lack of political thrust seems to indicate that our alienation is amorphous and not ccnâ€" crete. But in fact most of us know, at least generally, that we are alienated from the capitalist system. When we talk about coâ€"operatives, communities; etc., we express this speciiic focus of our frustration. The point of this is simply to say that while the energy of the people is beautiful, if we are to d9 something with that energy we need some direction and organization. We have seen many sponâ€" taneous rebellions in the past. We should learn that they do not persisv long. The very real force of the state is tied to stop us, through mass busts which deplete our resources and intimidate people, through boating isolated people as "examples", and even through murder. In the past week over ninety brothers and sisters have been jailed, ten or more warrants are out for the ROTC Review action. These busts hurt us. They weaken us when we most need to be strong. As long as We are loose and un~together we are very vulnerable. There is work to be done, a new world to be created. Let's build a movement which can be ongoing, capable of sustained pol~ -itical activity. With.this movement we can.fight in.a real way ta end the mark to combat racism; to eliminate male supremauyc and to defend ourselves against repression. FIGHT BEPHESSION . FREE ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS RALLY NOON COMMONS TUESDAY RALLY NOON COMMONS https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/b4f04e099fbcca456b51b657e01c27c5.tif 8beec3a5eebbfa1d6b6f00fbec304245 PDF Text Text THE WAR GOES ONQ...ROTC GOES ON.... YOO ARE CORDIALLY INVITED TO ATTEND PRESIDENT WHITE'S ROTC REVIEW. COME PREPAREDâ€˜TO SHOWER OUR HEROES WITH APPROPRIATE HONORS R.S.V.P.12 NOON, UNIVERSITY SCHOOL FIELD, THURSDAY, MAY 20 CtTV) MAYDAYCOALITIONMAYDAYCOALITIONMAYDAYCOALITIONMAYDAYCOALITIONMAYDAYCOALI'; https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/91c47f114a07c9e66efe8962cb815dd9.tif cd3c31c09236c988944b1f87b9133bba PDF Text Text APRIL iOâ€"MAY 5: 1 PROPOSED PROGHAM comâ€"u...â€" As will be noted, the temporary p last Thursday's Coalition meeting for the purpose of assembling various suggestions into some sort of a coherent format has not attempted to fill every minute of the six days. the committee tried to designate certain events as the highlights of various days and to define the main theme of each of the six days. . Specific speakers cannot be designated until we have a definite commitment to appear, although in some cases we have indicated which speakers might be best within the context of a given day. rogram committee appointed by gpril 30, 1971 this is the anniversary of hixon's announcement of the invasion of Jaibodia and the real beginning of the events of last May. fhe committee suggests that this day be devoted to workshops on the war in Indochina and on U.S. government actions and attitudes towards the peoples of the Third World in general; â€˜ ' . p the major action of the day could be a mock war crimes trialâ€"â€" a Peoples' Courtâ€"* which would of course ignore trying to pin the blame on privates and junior officers and designate the real crime inals, who could be burnt in effigy later. ' ï¬Ã©ylla_l21l We of the committee hoped that May 1, 1971, could be utilized as a day of local, national. and international solidarity. To ce1~. ebrate the occasion, the apparently popular idea of a KSU community solidarity dinner and pig roast was suggested. The day would be spent on the Commons with a number of teachâ€"ins and rap sess10ns taking place. Also on May 1st, we felt that a march around the. campus should take place to express our solidarity_with the antis war actions that will be taking place in Washington then.. â€˜ 53.- m May 2, 19.7.1. For May 2, 1971, we have a definite commitment from Dr. Orvill Shell, an expert on Southeast Asian affairs to speak on the nature of U.S. involvement in Indochina and the background of that struggle. It was thought the best policy to leave as much of the day as pOSÂ» ' sible open at this time in order to be able to incorporate other ' speakers as our plans solidify. V At night, it was generally agreed that an openâ€"air concert should be held, preferably on the Commons. Various groups were suggested, _ the Grateful Dead and the Jefferson Airplane being the most popular. It was noted that during this time period the Dead will be in the Ohio area and that they have often done benefit concerts for varâ€" ious groups in the Movement. â€˜ Pï¬iâ€˜ .alnglgL We thought that on May 3rd, the Coalition should, insofar as: possible, set up workshops and get films and speakers which would' deal with the various aspects of political repression. We feel that Mike Cross of the Toledo Black Panthers would probably be willing to come and speak about the trials of Bobby Seale, Erica huggins, and other Panthers. If possible, we should get Charlene Mitchell to speak to a rally in behalf of Angela Davis. It was suggested that it may be a good idea to have members of the ACLU -invited to set up workshops on the rights of students and the right to dissent. Of course, when the question of political reâ€". pression is raised, the Kent 25 and the Kent Legal Defense Fund come to mind. It is hoped that they and all others involved in their defense will present some kind of program on this day. For the evening, the committee suggests that the Coalition support the idea of an allâ€"night vigil and camp~in on the Com~ mons and Dick Gregory, the scheduled speaker that evening_ Both are in line with the sentiments expressed fhursday evening at the open meeting. ' https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/675e4398fd22552ab0c14cd848c7beb8.tif cb826a04fc90ab876e8f0f8c638d657d PDF Text Text Nay 4, 1971 At 12300, the committe advocates holdi1ng a Hal y on the site of â€œJâ€˜â€œ*1 ytxar'.Â» mrlhpac <1. Lhe capeeelke1s21 t t1-1s L11 _, 1allyy hopefully stuâ€" dents at last year's rally would analxze what reall.y happened at that time and discuss the anti~war sertiment which moved (and still moves) people to act. Tom Grace, one OI the students onnded last Nay, said that he and other son-nded s udents wished to read a stateâ€" ment at the time Q1ich they were in the process of writing. Later in the day, a major speaker such as We m Chomsky or another Qellâ€" nan anti-war speaker could be scheduled. _ hat evening the main activity would be in the Hyde Fark area where series of bpolitically heavy speakers such as Rennie Davis and To Yayden, if their services can be obtaine ed, would address a major rally called to oppose the wide spe ectrum of injustices in-our society. â€œ " The hâ€™ational Student Association has called for a one day strike on May 5, 1971, against war, racism, and political repression. ince these are the dominant themes of the preceding five dajs at Kenty we feel that the Coalition should endorse the strike.) It was agreed that the most desirable Spealter was someone from Jackson SLate 1 ll f] 57 Q} 'SPTXKERS VOTED ON TO BE CONTACTED Tom; Hayden Charlene Mitchell J j .l: _ . Wm Kunstler â€™ " â€˜ Phil Ochs Senator Young Bei nadette Devlin Jackson Stat:e1ep1esentative Mohammad Ali ' ' â€˜ Mike Cress . _ Rick Erickson . . , Â» 1 Colin Neiberger Carl 0g glesby Rennie Davis â€˜ _ _ , . p,- loFo Stone,v ,'-.. 1_L';lgï¬‚xlÂ» â€˜w Dave Dellinger' -'. ' â€,. ' Masai Newitth Abbie Hoffman, Jennifer Dohrn John Froines Bob Dylan Allen Ginsberg Noam Chomsky Gen. CanterbUry Gov. Rhodes Howie Emmer Jane Fonda 1â€˜27} https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/5c8c1b10f8c9533230ab510cac9199bd.tif 25fa4967b8b74a6899ef7058c17741fc PDF Text Text â€˜ . WAY nth REVIVALZ . 1 - _ The Administration of Kent State University claims that the events of last May were â€uniquely our aloneâ€, and that our rememâ€" brance of our fallen brothers and sisters should be a â€œ amily,af1a1rï¬‚. We can dig it, but we consider all of you part of our family. We say that our fa mily is people the world over struggling against the U.S. goyernment. Our :family is at war: it is a war between life and death; _ it is a war between hurnan beings and machines; it is a war between cultures; ' it is a war between oppressor and oppressed. The university is playing its corporate liberal games. Their "peace and harmony" is but â€œlaw 'n orderâ€œ by another name. Their attempts to make the memorial a funereal wake are but an effort to deny the ongoing struggle which is the only valid means of honoring our fallen comrades. We want to revive their spirit and their struggle.- The university hopes to keep both buried. Behind that liberal-facade lie war, racism, and repression. Despite years of struggle against ROTC, the KSU Board Of Trustees and the administration areÃ©kmermined to keep it on campus and the Faculty Senate showed where it was at by voting to retain the Corps.Â» The administration. has invited a speaker from Jackson State in hopes- that we will forget their racist repression of Kent State Black United Students, but we realize that the strugglesfor black liberation at Jackson State, Drangeburg, and elsewhere are, as they must be, an integral part of our fightÂ° They mumble about "justiceâ€ and â€due processâ€œ while 25 of our brothers and sisters are being ripped off for last May' s events instead of the real criminals. So, too, would those in power have us ignore or forget Nixon's "revolutionaryâ€œ programs. Pogroms_that have brought vegetable and animal life, as well as human, to the verge of extinction in' South Vietnam. ' Pogroms that play the numbers game of â€œcalculated withdrawalâ€œ while the genocidal air war escalates. - Pogroms which murder or imprison those who would resist. But we know, we remember, we resist! Cent is a symbol of our strugâ€"~ gle and it belongs to us all! To live, to love, to struggle, is where we' re at, and weâ€™ ve set up a people' s program to oppose the administration's death culture orientation. . . BE ADVISED... - - 1 that Kent is a fairly small midwestern town. We' re not too sure where the local residents are at in relation to the students, and there are indications of some hostility. ,We' re getting things to- gether as far as housing and so forth, but it would be a real help if you brought your own crash gear and some food and anyt hing else you think might come in handy. BUT IN ANY CASE, WELCOME TO KENT! We want to make it absolutely clear that we fully support the antiâ€"war actions in Washington during the May l~ 7 period and the https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/888b5894598a7a8309849afa4eb8c840.tif 6f05b382efab22ec21fb4887451d3d08 PDF Text Text Kent activities are in no sense an altern tive to them. We also call for solidarity with the anti-war movement in Saigon. If you can't make it to Washington or Kent, then celebrate life and fight war wherever you are. Stop the government, stop >busine3s, stop war:* Down with the May Memorial, Up With the Ma y RevivalE' 5f'ï¬ Wâ€œWâ€œ . . . "KENT my DAY COALITION Tvsx. )3 APRIL 49115 x ' 35555555â€˜â€ .055â€˜5 5555555541? HALL 3 oPEN â€˜ QAMPUS' QUE5Tâ€˜1orJ, 5 FLOLâ€™SK Sfmâ€™g gm'iERVSNTmM. LIKEâ€"575? . _ Lye/IVE 5 CommÂ»: .svï¬urr_5 par LMELY55 yuaax Jâ€˜Tâ€™AWAM Rule-:3. cOâ€˜YAz. ' ' 55 ' 5 DAM-5" ""AQâ€™JOFF F0â€œ VaRKSHoiâ€˜j . Mn cammua EhrrvaL/Ny? 6:410. %LÂ°VN66$ SHOULD 35â€œ 5Â°9th aï¬iwï¬‚owï¬ ~ {was}?! YHOVLD mi; berJ. 153M 3% 1'3 @955? 9 V , " ,_ C, u 5 v Â«â€˜ mo HÃ©a'mWMâ€˜ I 90135. oouâ€˜moL, 67 {5011319. 05â€˜ TRWWAâ€˜ï¬ ( rm. .. a. . (â€œa 7â€˜6515555â€˜55 Sawmï¬ Rama: mm, ram 730â€œÂ» DMECTLM â€œwwW ' 3"" Eâ€˜Ã©Cï¬Euk m1? 009m} en) Qyï¬rfnï¬‚ 05' 55155555555555 Ã©? . J)â€œ Mather: WmÂ»: RÂ»: .8553 . L . WORK up A SPEC:F2Â¢15>â€˜Â£â€™T of memeÂ»; To {55. Riggwaop Fem/W I 5/:3 o gmzâ€˜OEMï¬'"-â€˜~RÂ«5$5 nFFHJE, https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c65296b4d4c9acf971d57aafa3a2a291.tif 93722d7a502b37f03e30a1b925993507 PDF Text Text f OPEN KENT? RALLY TUESDAY9MAY Mth 1:00 FRONT CAMPUS MAY 4, 1919: 5,000 students in Peking rally in protest of the betrayal of the young Republic of China by the "democratic" powers at Vere sailles, their protest sparking a mass move~ , ment which ultimately led to the founding of the Peopleâ€™s Republic of China.. .MAY 4, 1970: Thirteen students shot. four killedÂ» . in Kent, protesting the expansion of the Indo~~â€˜ Chinese war. The national student stike which resulted was critical in getting the â€œ.3: â€œNb of Cambodia by June 30th. MAY 4. 1971: The war continues. The forces of repression are tightening their grasp. . Here at Kent the Trustees, through the adeN~ istration, have restricted free Speech and. assembly beyond the already narypw 13011113513186 Of â€œacademic freedom". I Our campus is hearing a lot these days about â€œKeep Kent Open". The reality is that Kent is not "openâ€œ now: and never has been. Sincethe shootings last year the Ohio Legislature has enactede.B. 1219, granting arbitrary and unconstitutional Powers of suspension for â€disruptorsâ€, without conviction on any Criminal charge. The system of passes and validated I.D.â€™s is designed to close Kent to "Our family". The UniverSity has failed To protest the attacks of the Grand Jury and its indict~ ments. Even before last year the campus was patrolled by armed men. many more now than then. Kent is an occupied campus. We are here to be fitted into a system which destroys lives and Whole CUltures in the pursuit of its corporate interests. â€œbtep'out of line,the man come and take you away.â€œ The Speakers ban for May 1â€"4 is only the latest of these ThUSGS. but it puts into focus the whole trend of our campusr indeed our country. As Dr. Sites, of the sociOlogY department. iiÃ©g. critical rights go unnoticed in ordinary times. But if are rest~fagÂ¢r ' ' w â€™ ' â€™ ' s t'ï¬‚niffâ€" canoe. For itniscinlï¬iEigeifoirigiglihatnzÂ¥llgoicgilmESt be heard. ' â€™ A a I '~ 3 â€˜ Therefore, we are going to break the speakers ban. We will â€9 Sponsoring a rally on front campus at 1:00 Tuesday, right after the_Memorial Service. Off Campus sneakers, Tim Butz of Vets Against Eh? War and Mark Lane and others, will speak outside. g?l:e?l thlosaCtion is a iart of our remembrance of Sandy and . 1 and Jeil and Allison. They were killed as a result of anti- war PF9teSt- To carry on the movement is a living memorial, and one wnich can ï¬‚eLve LU phnhqe +hpuqy3an that led to their deaths. â€™(ovcr, please) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/fea289b84e53c2c391cc8ab9130b2b16.tif c4e4f27e2a88c2e167d281bc89a3e02e PDF Text Text This action constitutes civil disobedience. By violating n s ban we hope to challenge'the constitutionality of the rt): atees action; This will be the first step of a Campaign to â€œopen Kentâ€œ. >We want the injunction on the old sds leaders lifted, l219 repealed; the passes system abolished, the police disarmed, undercover agents barred from campus , a condemnation of the 25 indictments, and a real commitinent to creatin an open conwnniitV. . " â€˜ . , ' The planned rally is'se eparate frOm other acts of non~ violent civil disobedience which may or may no tâ€˜follow it. Atâ€" tendance at this rally in no wa3 expogns nUAUnp to snnpnnniÂ»n Jr arrest. RAIâ€˜JLY W TUESDAY; MAY Nth. 1:00 '3 FRONT cmhus Elm BEE? ~'iVietnamVeteran,new organizing with Vietnam Veterans Againstï¬the JaI, feimei KSU student. Mark Lane â€˜Prcminent author and antiÃ©war speaker, CiVil .Rights lawyer.â€˜ ' ' â€˜ â€˜ â€œ Barbara Dane. Bluese zinger for twenty~five years; 'Spent the last thm e years OIW ganizing Gel.'s, was at â€˜Bellelev during the Free SpeeCh Movement, active, in U10 ICSIpoi with the exrlv civil rights movee' ment." â€˜ â€˜ â€˜ â€˜ ' â€enâ€˜su Tokay 'Quaker activis t, Friends Peace Cemmittee, a Quaker ' action 0â€˜1 01131.. S PARTWâ€™ CHWXXHAY, MAY 4th. :Lï¬OO FRONT CA.HPUS Iâ€˜orâ€˜yrln this. leaf-lei? A .{errt Ina3d}a3r Co zmlit,i011r _Â» 7â€˜5? :A/ 7951â€˜ Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Mayday Coalition: Publication and Leaflets Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1971 Description Publications and leaflets produced by the Mayday Coalition in 1971. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 12 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Kenneth J. Hammond papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/kenneth-j-hammond-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Kenneth J. Hammond papers Subcollection Location Box 23 May 4 Author Hammond, Kenneth J. dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Mayday Coalition Reactions, Responses. Students Demonstrations Speeches, Lectures, Forums Flyers, Leaflets May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0bd6e732ac1fab3a621b1c5890315197.tif 800f2d1c10dfbd23e184eee112f6482f PDF Text Text Akron , 09+: ’O'I”?95 i. ,, :s s Liv .;;J‘£4:1,§y::1' n m:...m LEAST NE ”'1' WAVE , TOW ’ mom MARCHY “YMORENA.” “\ . 1"”‘13 g ‘ ; I“ ~i‘ - 3 . ' 1'. " . I . ‘ 'l' [6733.145 WEE—75571 ". 11'" " .- f r'.._“.- ‘ '~ .'- ' 1 ' »; 7, . . ,. , “““J a, 5:: >1, 9‘ .‘u L I" (,5 5AMERICA COULD MAKE NO GREATER MISTAKE THAN TO MUZZLE OUR MILETARY LEADERS’ R. NIXON Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title "Nixon is the One For...": Flyer Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1968-10-10 Description Flyer with a political cartoon that includes an annotation by Kenneth J. Hammond that indicates Akron and the date, October 10, 1968. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 1 page Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Kenneth J. Hammond papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/kenneth-j-hammond-papers Restrictions cartoon Permissions Copyright Cleared (NHPRC) dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Kenneth J. Hammond papers Subcollection Location Box 23 dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Flyers, Leaflets May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c4ca7ed1f987a24786bf6fd66e44cd55.tif b3b5b990410c7591100ccf329db5f360 PDF Text Text 505 Documents FALL- 1968+5AM )764 - {H6313- II A SET of AéEMOAJ fork 774: WEEKLY ofEr’ nest-2:455, 77M“ Maya! 5:51:0va 0F UPComuc EVEM'J. fHE Nerf»: OJ m»: Dcc. a-Aw‘wm fan ”0“ M up vHANm/N" UM my WISDOM’é Ar/Novycg‘mg‘ﬁ‘. (new: AM :svemu. Learner, zucwowa. Tm: LEA r1573 usso l/ 7’»: OAKLAND fame: rwww: NJ Mex/Emma ' 7'»: (519905151. AT ’mt: (.okvrmvs IL/ECIOI/AL {oM‘EO 1M [2,095 (on w: mama oFFfIJJIl/f 14/ 2959’. 7m: ﬂax»? orJ 7461f Lmt’lyaflor/ Rowe was” MS ALSO pﬁ,mg/) {/J NFl/ paw #075}, 43W .7: OCH/'7' Isl/WE A 669?. 774:? «Or/sewn ow 7N5. 800: or 1m; 7m. ‘7’)?” Aqw,‘ ,5 A (JOAN-1W6 $15-th FOIL. \JNO 201,455 kg”? ‘ ‘/<9‘?»/ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/663b49d90b606eb61cf4a54092d378b0.tif 97ad3d4f621eb7892c5e1c77eaa8b797 PDF Text Text (‘768 M «a. Y a. . «Mr \. nwnéhnx. .. \ in! f, w. “ . ﬂ ‘ .ln . . .wbaHuFV . . -_.o;. \ . .aﬁwikuwntmm . . y ‘ “I“.WWPH? I Nah-J." - AH c I Wm- I77 Ik’. . ., .. ‘ . . ‘4 ‘. Ira 9L . u I a i 44. Vﬂr: p 1 . ﬁg .I ﬁnd .AWng 1 .. . , v‘t . r :- ‘ In! a a a. 6% r c . . J. 4 . ,... - 14: h 6. I . . J . d. .— .vrtl .L 3v . u «1%»th to? n’a. .1 33 M ”v5." . uh, dmswvm , .‘ «J «P .. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/76742dc89db9e5e13c3ca844e0c8cd7c.tif a25937476ba2d6d066ebe481678a933f PDF Text Text SDS Draft Committee In developing a movement for basic social change in America we must seek to oppose imperialism and racism where- ever and.whenever We can. Certainly one of the most obvious instruments of imperialist and racist oppression in our soc- iety is the growing military machine. As young people com— mited to change we should seek to relate ousselves to this machine. In the specific context of a draft committee for Kent SDS this means that we should seek to develop a thoroughe going critique of the military in its current role as Oppres— sor for the ruling class. We should attack the defernent system on the basis of its channeling function and because of the racist manner in which it operates. We should attack the use of the military to repress the popular movements of other countries and to oppress political dissent domestically. We should view the draft as-a social problem, not merely an individual problem; for the individual's confrontation with the military is brief, but the role of repressor is an on- going one. ' Programmatically, this means we will be taking several programs into the dorms. These will deal, in part, with the channeling function of the draft, with various films on al—I ternativas to military service, possi ly including the News- reel film on the "Intrepid Four" deserters. Group counseling sessions following the films or talks will be held to try and involve people and give them a se se of a movement presence. We will be getting into research on ROTC, and on the local draft boards. Ye hOpe to be able to work up a l—A program,‘ and leaflet busses for physicals and inductions. Hoving into the high schools shOuld also be a goal. Contact————Doug Hemple 753-3831 Ken Hammond 673—8109 FALL W68 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/b0c2c72ec4a16a5ee7c66391551657ad.tif ed2c40590d8aed68c9163db1ee3252d8 PDF Text Text Organizational meeting — Students for a Democratic Society Saturday, September 28, l968 Commuter's Cafeteria, Student Union 2:00 P.n. Film - "Dona Nobis Pacem” ”Introduction to SDS" - Jane Adams "SDS at Kent" — Howie Emmer Film « ”Garbage" Morkshops’ l) Campus — 20L Union' —cff campus housing dormitcr problems —cooperative bookstore 2) Draft - 203 ~ Union -educational reform ~Free University «speakers bureau 4) Labor — 205 - Union —research -direct action ~"ﬂork In” 5) Public Relations - Commuter's Cafeteria -~Media ‘ ~Programs -leaflets —coffee houses -printing —literature tables -posters -newspaper -photography -press release.- ~special media JWKSUIradio, television ..g"preparation -Radical Arts Projec -Special Events . 6) University - 206 Union —research -analysis 3:50 Break #:00 Workshop Reports Open Discussion ~Elections -Visits of candidates (George Wallace) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/80a26fd81acb6c61054e2c3287cc7de8.tif 091ab0bb8349ef0cca50c0a545ac941a PDF Text Text .o a... . u.-. 7 BEWWEEN AMER HGWIE Emma; WU 557ng u, SFEM ON WE: RECEM gmmmg HE AWEN $2.: N53 5:. ‘1' REngwf‘Aﬂm—z S a F m E. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/4f35256c54c5ed1e0d2218937d5086ff.tif b1c0efd596d59bf90f901d90ccf3e14e PDF Text Text Open Meeting - Students for a Democratic Society Saturday, October 12, 1968 Commuter‘s Cafeteria, Student Union 2:00 P.M. — Evaluation of the Nixon Confrontation Discussion of Electoral Politics ~Initial statement by Ric Erickson ~Discussion from the floor Discussion of specific action on Election Day Further Business k:00 P.H. ~ PICHIC at Fred Fuller Park At present the special interest work of sds is being carried out in committees which meet during the week. Anyone interested in working with one of these groups is welcome to attend any meet» ing. The committees and meeting times are listed below. ' 1), Campus - The campus group will be holding dorm meetings this week, visiting Prentice Hall on Monday night, HcDowell Hall on Tuesday night, and Tri—Towers on Thursday. 2) Draft — werk is being done now in the areas of direct action, high schhol organizing, and draft counselling. The next meeting will be Thursday, October 17th, at 3:15 in the UCF house. V 3) Education — Meets in connection with the Progressive Education class of the Free University, on Tuesday at 7:30. 4) Labor — Meets in connection with the Labor class of the_Free University, on Wednesday at 7:30. ' 5) University — To be announced 6). Communications C OE-i IN G EVEN TS Tuesday, October 15th at 5:00 — Wksu television show on SDS Wednesday, October 16th at 7:30 in Bowman, Lecture A — Howie Emmer will speak on his meeting with the Horth Vietnamese last summer. , ' Thursday, October 31st at 8:30 ~ Rennie Davis, co~chairman of Nation~ al Mobilization will speak in the Commutersr Cafeteria ' NOTE: The next SDS meeting will be held on Saturday, October 19th at 2:00 Pi at the Unitarian Church, 228 Gougler St. Everyone is invited to Co~ordinating Committee meetings, which are held oh Mondays at 3:15 in the UCF house. Call Communication Central, . , for further information. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/4625c6bceed9ab718532e4c4fb0458a8.tif edc89a955afd57188d3a1bebfcd1385c PDF Text Text OPE ’LI 1”"T HG % STUDENTS F01? A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY Saturday, October 19, 1968 2:00 P.M. ~ Committee Recorc Report on National S.D.S. Conference Panel — George Gibeaut, Ken Hammond, Jeff Powell, S.D.S. in national perspective — Terry Robbins, Renional TraveLer Discussion of Election Week Activities COIM 113 MEEiING SCHEDULE 1. Campus — 3a aturday, October 19 following general meeting 2. Draft 4 Saturday, October26 at 12:30 3. Education — Meets in connection with the Progressive Educa~ tion clas 3 10f the Free University on Tuesdays at I: 30 P.1 A. Labor - Meets in connection Vlith the Labor class of the Free4 University on Nedn-s days at 7:30 P.M. 5. University Research ~ To be announced 6. Communications ~ Sunday October 20 at 4:00 in the Union C OH I If G E VT} 1-? TS -‘-'~:-'~—”-~ .‘r. "441;:-.V..V.AL.'-I.."_.U .‘LJ’A’Jti’ u ".U. \' ~':';-c.‘-'.' v n32: ‘L.‘-.".‘ .\:v 5* U :‘.L'..'- .V..~I..'- ";*-‘.:v'..‘~'..v V.” ‘ .‘iJi"..".'-“ n n n J n ”h n n n n I» n n n n‘ n n n A If???» 'u 771;“ u“ n n'n'ﬁx‘7- n ""0 n "‘1' A?“ 15"?" I. ’n n" n (‘7:7i7l t. :- n"?\ 7.")? n n '0 n 'n‘ .v. v n 7: ‘L 19 '4‘ 'n‘ \I W MARY RUDD hW‘d f d0 t C l “E“ '11 b“ h * ,, . . . . .L 8.. , (1c). . O S o a O LUTlDlu, W]. -i b CI’C I. ‘) 7. 7" '3)" 1' W"- " '- ‘7' cm rat-"'1 ‘ t ~26 on THJMDDAL, 0 iOuhh 2 th to Speak a -::- .". . , . \v “ ‘ 0 t1“ U verc’ty / d't ‘ W - J . in in Ill 91 bl -Lu 1 OI’lUln. ‘4’ W * .. , \- 1: . ‘ '0‘ - u ' I o d ~ A..- g- .- u . "“V V ’V U v 'v v I' 1" u v nu v\ u u u 1" nu A u- -.r :\ v--\r‘~'r\r\ '5 u u ﬁns vi!” 1- Vi varr 1'\:\ -- a -o <. q- —- n- -- n . — 1- ~— -—‘a.~ ' n- -. .- '¢- ' < a n — 5 -~ — - "- n- w" . -- u- ,- 1‘- ' o- .u- -, a- -- .- -5 _, '.— ~— ad < < a- . ‘ a " n n r. n n n n‘ n' C’n n 0"“ r. n 'n n n n :f’n 7t ’4» 'n'l 'n n n ’n ’n r. u’n 4 n A"), 437» r. n n. n n ’n .n '1“. n n n '45 'n ”"41”0'75 7mr7mr https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c44e2f22fa974bab860d64fe7880ff74.tif 656a44f241d8d24f1e2e35148b819114 PDF Text Text KENT STUDEHTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY Activities for Election Week Sunday, October 27 ~ Kent Committee to End the War in Vitnam ' rally, 2:00, front campus Monday, October 28 ~ Tuesday, October 29 ~ Gilligan speech at 11:00 A.ﬁ. Wednesday, October 30 - Nixon at Cleveland Public Hall Thursday, October 31 - R.O.T.C. Day Rennie Davis at 8:30, Commuters! Cafeteria Friday, November 1 Saturday, November 2 ~ Sunday, November 3 Monday, November A Tuesday, November 5’ ~ E'ECTION DAY Wednesday, Hovember 6 ~ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/8b396e7cd5415d74d12714606907ec6a.tif 36604f0568971b3cc5248b1efd96d8eb PDF Text Text COM'KINISTSH ANARCHISTSH HIPPIESH YIPPIESH These are the terms in which most of us define the student movement. These labels obscure the fact that there are real issues around which students act. Last Spring students at Columbia University held a strike during which they occupied University buildings for six days. The students had three demands; 1.) An end to the University’s complicity in promoting racist policies, 2.) An end to Columbia‘s complicity in promoting militar— istic policies, and 3.) Amnesty for all students involved in the Strike. Kent sds (students for a democratic society) is sponsoring a talk by Mark Rudd, leader of Columbia's sds, who will clarify the role of the {ark is currently under indictment for conspir- American student movement. 1 acy to riot due to his part in the Strike. This carries a sentence of two to five years in prison. . Mark will speak at 7:30 THURSDAY, OCTOBER 24 in the UNIVERSITY AUDITO RIUM. Kent SDS P.S. Kent State is not that different from other American univer— sities, such as Columbia. It, too, feeds institutions of racism and militarism. That's what the Columbia Strike was all about. MARK RUDD COLUMBIA SDS 7:30 THURSDAY OCT. 24 UNIVERSITY AUDITORIUM cxxﬁ f7£58 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3a320f1ecc7c4b1646f96800abaaf6ae.tif d356f0d71b98f44b394ff00d860cf40e PDF Text Text 5; ,. a: .33. 9.5? 1 A :~ vwx's 3’s" “5.; J‘?‘ .. l . ~ .. . ' 3‘ ﬂux raw ' ' 'fw ’- x ,5“ it ‘ ’qu {Hg . x V" .V- 6’ M3" . ~ ‘3}. ‘ " . ‘1“; v A», j r r ‘1': «A. V ‘7 2-? av https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3980ad0a8b9536d4d6e8ce201ee4ef08.tif 78bca9e8faf283450f559691f6d34dd7 PDF Text Text STUDENTS FOR A DEI-OCRATIC SOCIETY October 26, 1968 2:00 p.m. - Chapter‘s ﬁva;uation of Lark Rudd‘s Visit ﬂLection Committee Report — Larilyn Davis: baron Ken Hamuvnd — Draft Sylvia: GouriLLn Theater Bi 1. L Hi‘aittzlker : PO 1 itins: «If 131"! . iiOUiO fjmrgur : Dor m Activity dumphrey visit to Akron — Londay October 23th George Gibenut COLL-I 1‘TJJL‘J 1 15.5191 165 Corsamnications: Sunday, October .27 4:00 Union Co—ordinating: Ronday, October 28, 3:L5 UCF house Education Committee: Tuesday, October 29th Free University Labor: Wednesday, October 30 Free University Draft: Saturday, November 2 12:30 UCF House University Research: To be announced Porn: Sunday, October 27 Union Upstairs (Internal education, role- playing, plans for elections) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/604fdff169f56c6cb396bc9d2a026932.tif 1299f62ca16873c602bf37e165d996c2 PDF Text Text SCEEDULE OF EVENTS SUNDAY, October 27 KEEWV Rally ONDAY, October 28 sds lit table Bowman 10:00 to 3:00 THESDQY, October 29 Gilligan Speech ll:00 University Auditorium Lit table Bowman and Kent Hall l0:00 to 3:00 WEDNESDAY, October 30 Lit table Bowman and Kent Hall lO:00-3:00 THURSDAY, October 3l "ROTC” Commons l2:00 Lit table in Bowman l0:00-3:00 RENNIE DAVIS 8:30 pm Commuters' Cafeteria FRIDAY, November 1 Lit table Bowman l0:00—3:00 "Yellow Unicorn" - "Happenings" SUNDAY, November 2 ”Yellow Unicorn" Open Smoker, sds reserved SUNDAY, November 3 Sabbath—"Day of Rest" RONDAY, November 4 Armbands and buttons TUESDAY, November-5 ELECTION DAY (T) Plans tentative ' Politics of Life 7:30 Commuters" Cafeteria https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/d88097ba0ccf77e5f859f1e088075ba8.tif 838e9d8ed05b6693bbc6c449c3285d8b PDF Text Text .54 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/acf072eb3533c4ccad3de5e9dd2daf0b.tif 0bce12e5f62f565810a8157ba60ca7c4 PDF Text Text If_you’re tired of education that is meaningless, _if you‘re tired of your existence being vague, if you’re tired of being repressed by a system that worries more about maintaining itself than Serving you,' if you’re tired of seeing blacks eating tear gas for breakfast, Vietnamese eating napalm for lunch, and you eating plastic for dinner, then join us for a Day of Liberation and Birth. We are liberating ourselves from carrying out the jobs we have been channeled into by a system'which is unresponsive to our needs. Our primary ~act of liberation must be to break out of the established political structure which carries out the demands of those systems which_are repressing us. We are giving birth to a_mOVement of young people. 'We will create e feel our own jobs and through our movement resist the systems which w are nil. , JOIN US The POLITICS OF DEATH TUesday zit-1:10 p,m, on the Commons behind the ROTC buildings. 7 , JOIN US The POLITICS OF LIFE Tuasday evening in the Commtertr‘ Cafeteria (Union) for Rock bands, light show, and film ("Coronation”) at 7:30. POLITICS OF DEATH—m1: 10 Tuesday, November 5, Commons POLITICS OF LIFE-—7: 30 Tuesday, November 5, Commuters‘ Cafteria, Rock light show, and film https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/2c8752683198d5b09b69a629ebd7f3d0.tif ef109cf16d3c51c371a709c880edce93 PDF Text Text \ ﬁeld mainly in the Union - upstairs _ downstairs - look for class posters CLassgs ESDAe‘DAI; Black jistory Amnesty — 11 am ‘— Lounge . Lesa‘lity/Ixiomlity ~ 11 are - 207 Union Philosophy of the Individual - 1 p5 - 207 Union amnesty Again - 2 pm - Lounge yarticipatory Lanagemcnt - 2 pm _- 207 Union sensitivity Training - 3 pm — Lounge Other unannounced classes may also occur on the spot anywhere - these inctude classes on Revolutionary Literature of the Lovemcnt Jerry Lewis Seminar and on Friday, if Boycot still on — Revolutionary art in the_£ovement held in the regularly scheduled Art L80 Survey - Lrs HiLko . L pm - Van Beusen LOOK FOR US -- 'SS'LL US LUUAIHG FUR YOU! Nov. I768 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/a458667cc2ac794fa3877abf4ead2b26.tif 038bbff69de2ac5ecf7b582c69f01bae PDF Text Text ”I READ THE NEWS TODaY, OH BOY” 250 BLACK STUDENTS EXILED FROM KSU 250 of our black brothers and sisters are now exiled in Akron. Why? Because an Administration that has been unreSponsive in any human terms has driven them from this campus. The blacks have demanded amnesty for the BUS and SDS students who acted against the campus recruitment by the Oakland police department. By allowing Oakland on campus, the administration is complicit in the racist policies of that institution. In the face of this and of the administration's refusal to talk about anything but ”law and order,” our brothers and sisters had no choice but to take renewed dramatic -action and exile themselves from this campus. BOYCOTT—-NOT BUSINESS AS USUAL "Business~as-usual" means that poor whites and poor blacks are confronted With a dehumanizing day-to—day violence; that the Oakland Police are threateninﬁ survival of the Black Panther Party and the black people of Oakland; that universities continue their complicity with racist institutions in order to maintain ”business-as-usual." Business will not proceed as usual. Our black brothers and sisters are in exile today demanding that BUS and SDS be granted AMNESTY. SDS is joining their walk—out by calling a boycott of classes by faculty and students starting today. Our purpose in calling the boycott is to create a way for people to act and to cut through the ”business-as—usual” atmosphere. We call on students to suggest to your professor at the beginning of class to devote the class to a discuSSion of the issues of amnesty for SDS and BUS, the Oakland Police, university complicity,_gtg. IF YOUR PROFESSOR REFUSES, WE ASE_YOU TO LEAVE YOUR CLASSROOM AND ASK YOUR CLASSMATES TO JOIN YOU AND GO TO THE STUDENT UNION TO TALK ABOUT WHAT'S HAPPENING. WE - ASK YOU TO JOIN US IN A SHORT RALLY AND A MARCH AROUND CAMPUS AT 4:00 TODAY IN FRONT OF THE UNION. Amnesty for all is the only position of integrity; for these times it is imperative that we do not'allow these students who took the only real and moral position possible to be punished. THE PRECEDENT OF ARBITRARY PUNISHMENT ’ FOR MORAL ACTS IS CLEARLY MORE SERIOUS THAN THE POSSIBILITY OF IMAGINARY ACTS OF FUTURE LICENSE. WE SAY YES TO "AMNESTY AND BOYCO ": WE SAY NO TO "BUSINESS-AS—USUAL." "WE CAN TALK ABOUT IT NOW" In addition to acting in support of amnesty by boycotting classes, it is important to talk and talk and talk about the issues, which moved us to act in the first place. The Administration's obstinate refusal to talk has been a prime frustrating factor throughout the past week. To the Administration the issue is safeguarding meaningless procedures for their own sake. But empty mumbling about "established procedures” has; not dealt with the issues of complicity in rac1sm and militarism. Now it is time to talk. At the teach-ins to be held this week, to brothers and sisters in the dorms, and to liberation classes called as alternatives to classes conducting "business—as-usual." We can talk about it now. We must talk about it now. ' ’ ' Sex/ms New. )76 8) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/96f5fad9282a889627d72008b83d51fe.tif cc2d3a8834b293d914ce55891dc8382b PDF Text Text EXTﬂl©TTZ WW5? buﬁwﬂaaya$~USwd /Avﬂkﬂis\v 100% @903ka I R A L LY '35 JWOOKV ' WOO f m MON e ‘ fdéa#*”TuQ$$&y T E AUX ICE N (0100 WE 3mm AVG “ﬂ '\ RWY https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c34888a77fa28f012ed192549ea4a5dc.tif 4a5bbd68b794f5b3c8706270de15caf2 PDF Text Text WHAT ARE THE ISSUES? The Kerner Commission Report is but one of many authoritative voices warning that we are moving toward two societies--separate and unequal, black and white. Root cause of this alarming social movement is white racism. Racism is not merely individual prejudice; it is also an effect built into the institutions of our soci-' ety. One such instiution is the big city police department; another is the large state university. On wednesday and Thursday of last week, these two institutions connected when the Oakland, California, police department came to Kent State University to recruit students into its organization. ‘ WHO ARE THE OAKLAND POLICE? Why do we call the Oakland Police Department a racist institution? 1) In a community with a population that is 31% non—white (much of this concentrated in a ghetto black community) only 27 of 658 policemen (less than 4%) are black. (Statistics as of 1967 from the Kerner Report.) 2) "To many Negroes police have come to symbolize white power, white racism, and white repression. And the fact is that many police do reflect and express these white attitudes. The atmosphere of hostility and cynicism is reinforced by a widespread perception among Negroes of the existence of police brutality and corruption and of a-‘double standard’ of justice and protection—~one for Negroes and one for whites." Kerner Report, p. 206. In Oakland, California, these police _ attitudes have taken the form of systematic harrassment of the Black Panther Party, a militant black group formed to protect the black community from police excess and to organize that community to control its own institutions. The record includes illegal SGarCheS. false arrests.of Panther leaders and at least two nmrders.* On April 6, 1967, 17—year—old Black Panther Bobby Hutton was shot in the back after. being ordered to run with his hands up to a squad car. Another time Panther Denzill Dowell, whose bad hip hampered his movement, was shot six times while alledgedly running from the scene of a burglary. ’(For further information see: Playboy, December, 1968; ﬁgtize, December, 1968, and the Saturday Evening Post, November 16, 1968, for interyiews with Black Panther Elridge Cleaver.) ’ 'WHAT IS THE UNIVERSITY? , Academic priorities in America are determined by the needs of the country's corporate—military—political interests as represented by the Board of Trustees. Through recruiting, students are channeled into industries and armies serving the interests of the power elite and hence the Board of Trustees. Since students and faculty are excluded from the decision making process, channels capable of dealing with the university's relation to recruiting clearly do not exist. The resignation of black students from the Student Government is yet another example of how channels do not work, do not even exist. There are no channels by which students can effect meaningful changes in the structures and priorities of the Board of Trustees. At Kent the head of the Board of Trustees is R.C. Dix, owner of several news— papers including the Kent Record—Courier, whose editorial policy is definitely anti SDS/BUS. Other board members have known interests in industrial and political institutions benefiting from the university’s channelling. »The administration (president and deans) serve to articulate the interests of the Board of Trustees to the faculty and students. In the case of the Oakland Police, , the interests of the trustees were clearly threatened by the BUS/SDS demand that the ' university deny its facilities to Oakland Police recruiters. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/87eac935504436c4d16c123367b30301.tif a5471e07a4c1b199a3bf691c56674739 PDF Text Text Q3399” .. 2,. __ 1'?! .3}? . \ 9 . i The demands delivered to President White'on Henday morning were greeted with an unresponsive silence, a failure of the administration to appear as invited at Tuesday’s BUS/SDS meeting and wednesday‘s letter frOm Dean.hattson Stating that he was willing to arrange a discussion at some unSpecified future date. - " o . ”OUR ' RESPONSE ' In the face of bureaucratic obfuscation and delay we were morally bound to act to stop the recruiting of students into a racist organization. The university’s response was to maintain recruiting thrOugh the threat of official violence. Our action was a "disruption of normal university procedure and a threat to health and safety” only if one considers murder and repression of black people to be a normal university procedure. In this instance the university has chosen the interests of the Oakland pelice (Outsiders) over the legitimite grievances of students. ANNESTY Civil disobedience formed.the cornerstone of the nonviolent resistance of: a the civil rights movement. 'The willingness to confront nonviolently unjust laws and to openly accept punishment stirred the imagination and conscience of our eneration. As in the draft resistance movement, civil disobedience lent moral- credibility to individual and mass acts of confrontation. '-' ' Our demands for amnesty‘is‘baSed on the belief that wednesday's‘confrontation Was morally right and necessary;' Amnesty is an expression that the confrontation occurred only after public statements and attempts at negotiation, only after it had been proved that no channels exist within the uniVersity to deal with legitimite demands concerning recruiting.. ' ’ ' “ " »“' In tho-face'of political police repression of black peeple in Oakland and _ throughout the United States, we were ﬁerced to act..to confrOnt-openly the ;‘ channeling (through.recruiting) of studenisuinto a racist organization. Inactiona would have been to resign black people and increasingly'whites to the fate of Violent institutions. 'wc acted to-create and continue a resistance to racism in Americaf-to act with the people of Oakland against an_institution of our common oppression, - ' ' ' * Our“refu£al to acceptfthe selective punishment.of KSU'S administration and V trustees is clearly not a fear of sanction by people who proved repeatedly their*'. Willingness-to go to jail.Wednesday'for their beliefs. We are saying that the‘ : university has no right to discipline.stndents in a situation where we had ng.’ ‘* moralmalterrnative.~ Supported only by the threat of official.vi0lence against:a students, the administrationainitiated.punishments are neither legal nor-moral;-'<‘“ V In_this case, the Student Conduct Board and the remainder of the'university’s: judiciary process is.responsible to the institution in question. The courts are neither neutral nor independent from administration (and hence Board of Trustees') control. Such arbitrary procedures can.hardly produce impartial dSCiSiCnSs‘Vl , . Amnesty for all is the only position of integrity.. In these times it is innerative that we do not allow those students who took the only real and moral position possible to be punished.r The precedent of arbitrary punishment for'A moral acts is clearly-more serious than the possibility of imaginarya‘cts'ofj’n~ future license. ‘ , ~ _ ‘ ": ' ' . ' v Committee for Amnesty " "Musician oak-ms ISSUES The Oakland Police, Recruiting, Amnesty. Monday, November 18, Lecture Hall A - Bowman 4:30 p.m. to ll p.m. . NW, 1768 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/16d6cf0c306105f71dd209c50b7d847f.tif 4c878ac05df460abdf10623bc9eee118 PDF Text Text Dec {“2653 IMPORTANT DATES: Weds.Dec.4- mike KLonsky,sds national secretary will be here to talk to the chapter. He will be in room 207 of the Union from 10am to 2pm; room 204 from 3pm to 7pm and the coomuter,s cafeteria from 7 to 10:30 pm. Sat.Dec.14 Ken and Marilyn Sun.Dec.15 1pm Unitarian Church(Ye11ow Unicorn) training session for Washington Ibc27toJmnl sds National Conference at Ann Arbor,Michigan. Dec.27,28,29 will be educational workshops. Den.30,31 and Janl —business. Far further information in Ann Arbor—Sue Palmer 663—6610 or Skip TauIbe 761-8167 in Kent-Melissa‘Whitaken 673-2532 General Note— if you are in Washington during vacation contact the Washington SDS at 3 thomas Circle NW,202—332—1387 People Willing and able to work on publications during Christmas call Bill Whitaker 673—2532 Financial note-cave$15. for Washington and send $5. to: Membership Secretary NationalSDS 1608 w.Madison Chicago 111, 60612 Anyone interested in working with a coffee house contact George Hoffman, 673—6301 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/30e19662da50d33ba3bf0b74b659a1f9.tif caea60d237a35d951601df1e09b8c184 PDF Text Text 32c, 68 SDS Draft Committee In developing a movement for basic social change in America we must seek to oppose imperialism and racism where- ever and whenever we can. Certainly one of the most obvious instruments of imperialist and racist oppression in our soc— iety is the growing military machine. As young people com— mited to change we should seek to relate ousselves to this machine. In the specific context of a draft committee for Kent SDS this means that we should seek to develop a thorough- going critique of the military in its current role as orpres- sor for the ruling class. We should attack the defernent system on the basis of its channeling function and because of the racist manner in which it operates. We should attack the use of the military to repress the popUlar movements of other countries and to oppress political dissent domestically. We should View the draft as a social problem, not merely an individual problem; for the individual's confrontation with the military is brief, but the role of repressor is an on— going one. Programmatically, this means we will be taking several programs into the dorms. These will deal, in part, with the channeling function of the draft, with various films on al— ternativcs to military service, possi ly including the News- reel film on the "Intrepid Four" deserters. Group counseling sessions follOWing the films or talks will be held to try and involve people and give them a sense of a movement presence. We will be getting into research on ROTC, and on the local draft boards. He hope to be able to work up a l-A program, and leaflet busses for physicals and inductions. Hoving into the high schools should also be a goal. Contact---—Doug Hemple 753-3831 Ken Hammond 673—8109 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/cd8686a50901e7cdafbcc05081c62223.tif f7c7c89b4c444d47f08dd677d0dd819e PDF Text Text @tp may win... but... WW semi? @WQRN Welcome to this first regional meeting of Ohio SDS chapters. We think everything has been farily well planned to make this weekend successful. The local press has been announcing our presence for several days and is all up tight since the events of the past week and a half took place. They've been saying that Mark Rudd and Rennie Davis. were both going to be here and probably expect that the BUS—SDS actions were just a. prelude to this conference. ‘ There are probably pigs all over the place - Tenetative plans are to begin with the‘film Dona Nobis Pacem which about the Pentagon March at 1 PM At 1:30 PM we will begin a discussion of where the chapters are at with an analysis of Kent's activities- That will continue until 3 or 3:30 when we'll break down into workshops. The workshops arcs Newspapers . . . . . Room 201 _‘ Dorm Organizing . . . Room 202 Draft Resistance . . . Room 203 Guerilla Theatre . . . Room 204 Films . . . Room 205 Internal Education-Programs . . . Cafeteria Women's Liberation . . . Room 206 Classroom Organizing . . . Cafeteria Researching the High Schools . . . Cafeteria University. . Cafeteria These should last until about 5 PM when we break for dinner. Places to eat should be posted .by the registration table. - At 7 PM Rennie Davis, co-organizer for the National Mobilization will speak about plans for the Inauguration. When he finishes there will be a general discussion about Washington and maybe we'll break' down into small groups again. -~ That should take us through until 11 PM when there will be a Party . . . place to be announced. 3 Sunday there will probably be a breakfast at 10 AM and then maybe some more workshop or general dis- cussion and hopefully a large discussion about what to do for Washington if we decide to go. Wé'can see how today goes before structuring tomorrow. . . animal's REGIONAL Jim. 1‘16“? https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/eca5150c571e1eb050a2510c02c4daf4.tif 0226a5bc0a7d56b6a629c13793d82e3a PDF Text Text , :1/4/692 0 .. , 2 ‘OOPM Caieteria‘ vi}. ‘ "Claag. K5K J“ ' M. K's-"Unis: 3’: 2' x5, ,f3?§£i 1- Mle‘v'eting ' hiﬁzond.‘ “ .54- https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/e551597caab800911ed6c3dd21f4e031.tif 21798fe685fdbaad9d31b76c9cdd53e8 PDF Text Text « whim ' ‘1'- 'ﬂ,. 1-3;; _ WMIA‘“‘ » V’I’WM’M!’ NWTAKWG V.” V”“_ _ _ . > wmmma: -. > , gum {1'56 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/f2020153d14df6f4531ece3163e3f0a3.tif 251ae79134a1bd7f53c4547eab8732b4 PDF Text Text On January 25th, 620 bombing missions will fly over South Vietnam. Untold black peOple will be beaten, jailed, or murdered by local police. Students will take semester exams that further their progress toward meaningless jobs. And Guatemalan laborers will continue to work for slave wages while United Fruit reaps the profits of U. S. imperialism. , And on that day, Richard Nixon will be inaugurated in Washington. He will proclaim that we are "on the road to peace," that the country will be "unified" through "law and order". And the hollow ceremony of a "new beginning" will take place before the peOple of the world. ' We believe that at the time of the Inauguration it is crucial for sds to pre- sent a coherent political statement through propaganda and action. We are there- fore calling for the National Council of sds to issue a call to Washington on Inauguration da —~ "the Pig‘s Parade" —— under the specific politics and tactics. outlined below: I'POLITIGS OF THE ACTION A. Condemnation of US imperialism and demand for immediate withdrawal from Vietnam The movement has develOped from an anti-war to an anti—imperialist, anti~capi ~ta1ist position over the last few years, based on an expanded understanding of the war and racism. Because of this development -— which understood and described the nature of a system of necessity had to produce imperialist wars such as Vietnam —— the war has become an example of the internal problems of capitalism. And through this understanding, the war itself has been pushed into the background as the spectre of internal contradictions involved us with their urgency and their proximity. At the same time, we believe that the period of national anti—war, anti—im- _ perialist demonstrations.i§‘ngt over. A militant action at the inauguration is crucial in order to (1) Demonstrate solidarity with the NLF and DRV"; and (2) re- raise the war issue at a time when the ruling class has almost succeeded in obfus— cating those issues behind bombing halts and phony peace talks. Bx Exposure of "law and order" as a cover for political. military and D01i98 re- pressionI ' The three presidential candidates all rallied around the cry of "law and order". It is important that the movement make it clear that law and order gap only mean use of the courts, the police and the military to continue the Oppres- sion and exploitation American peOple live under from day to day —- that is, to use force to prevent change. Black Americans, who labor under an oppression more vicious than others, are evidently to be subjected to even heavier police occupa— tion of their communities, harassment, and eventually, virtual genocide. - Nixon cannot remedy the crisis of this capitalist system. The kind of men that make up his administration, the kind of political support they rely'upon, and the limitations of political action within the sanctity of property and pro- fit —— are all sufficient reasons why the problems of incessant imperialist wars, vicious racism and exploitation, and further degeneration of bourgeois culture cannot be solved. The people of the non—socialist world suffer under US oppres— sion. The only response open to the American government is to destroy those who respond with any form of rebellion - and to cloak that destruction with the hysterical cry of "law and order". Specifically, the policy of "law and order" will mean immediate increase in domestic counter-insurgency techniques, including- the positioning and training of Army units, more tactical police squads, and‘networks of spies, provacateurs, and thugs. The Inauguration action must show the presence of an able and determined' movement; a movement which will meet the threat of repression.with confidence, strength and the will to fight back. "7 PROPOML AT COMM—"Sr; REC/om 37W. I7 6? a https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/f5310312a135c3ec9d76214d33c09dbf.tif 528023947c29a82d4f294ae1c1cb7298 PDF Text Text C. An immediate statement of Opposition to the incoming government by American revolutionaries. It is crucial that at the time of the Inauguration, when romantic illu— sions of the abilities of this capitalist government to provide change is high, and the criticism of the government is low, that we clearly state why we have no intention of "giving Nixon a chance" . In line with the reasoning behind our electoral position —— which said that the electoral system is a facade to cover true power in the society, and that whatever government that comes irto power represents basically the same interests -- our opposition must now be particular— ized to the government that has come into power. Our political analysis explains why £9 new government can solve the problems in this society. We must counter- pose this reality to the false hOpeS Nixon holds out for change. II THE RATIONALE FOR MAKING THESE POLITICAL STATEMENTS IN WASHINGTON A. Tb aid the NLF‘and the DRV. A militant, pro-NLE/DRV demonstration will not only help internationalLy in terms of moral SUpport during the peace talks, but the military presence the government will inevitably bring out —— and possibly move against us -- will clearly aid in international condemnation of the US and its war policy. B; To re—raise the war issue. The bombing halt, the peace talks, JohnsonSs abdication, and the new administration, all give credence to the illusion that the war is basically over, and that the United States is interested in "peace". It is incumbent on us to state that,(1) peace in Vietnam can only come from the victory of the NLF and the DRV;(2) that the US is trying to win at the negotiating table what it can never win on the battlefield;(3) that the war is part of a systematic_ international policy of US imperialism;and (4) that sds expresses solidarity With the interests of the revolutionary forces in the thirddworld. C. Iggdemgnstrgte,by on; actions in Washington. that Nixon‘s "obnsensus". Or any gapiiiliat governmenvt's consensus. can only be maintained bV political and milit- aﬂiéiggz repression.g. that that is the meaning of "law and order”. D. ggﬂgﬁve political coherence to the,militant_gppgsition that already exists to the svstGm in general. Specifically, by calling and organizing for this action, we’ will not only be taking leadership in terms of tactics, as we did at the Pentagon, but in terms of the anti-capitalist politics that give these politics their meaning. E. EELEQlD consolidate snd expand our own base.A good political action at this time will help to consolidate the new people and newer chapters who need a focus for th their work, as well as developing political consciousness in certain other ways: (1Jit makes peOple see the movement from a national perspective and as fighting a national fight, and that this broader perspective is needed even in local work° (2) it gives isolated peOple a sense of the confidence, strength, and viability,of the movement; (3) it gives people a concrete sense of stuggle.. an understanding that our mivement must fight back in order to survive and grow. ' An action at the Inaugeration will also help yo expand our base. Many new peOple were attracted to sds on the basis of the militancy of Columbia and Chicago. These peOple, many of whom are young, working class guys and peOple in schools the movement has never touched before, could not relate to sds as an isolated group ofprotesters and pacifists, but find the existence of a struggling movement encouraging and important. This action will, through it's militancy and and clear political focus, deepen the commitment and consciousness of as well as provide a edfinite direction for, our mivement. We wish to make it clear that we believe the key time to present our politics is in organizing for the action, and in interpreting mt afterward. The emphasis here should not be on calling people together to fight the pigs or to grab some turf, (Lincoln Park) , but on coming together-to make certain crucial political 'points - support for the NLF and DEV, antinimperialiﬁm- antferacieu. mcaninx'gr- r u" ' va- f, _" -\ . ~ -‘-~ . ( x \ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/43afb447769789908f0acc9db239bd48.tif 4732069c82e2faf44eed46dc969268d6 PDF Text Text With this in mind, it is crucial that. the action take place in Washington on Inauguration day in addition to some other day at some other time. WE MUST USE THIS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL FOCUS THE INAUGURATION PROVIDES, AS WELL AS THE CEREMONY OF THE NEW BEGINNING ITSELF TO OUR ADVANTAGE .. TO TURN THE ILLUSION OF UNITY INTO THE SPECTRE OF THE MILITARY STATE, TO CLARIFY OUR OPPOSITION AT A TIME WHEN THE RULING CLASS SEEKS TO INAUGURATE ITS NEWEST SPOKESMAN, TO COUNTERPOSE OUR POLITICS AGAINST THE SHAM OF THE INAUGURATION ITSELF. Also, we believe that the issues of imperialism and racism are the same issues-we should be dealing with on campuses and in cities» Thus the action in Washington can provide focus and impetus to local organizing against racism, mili— arf, imperialism, etc. As well as being an additional means of presenting our pol Pics, exposing the system, and putting those politics into clear, militant ac-:;:1. People should come out of Washington with a new sense of the movement's strength and energy, its ability to accomplish specific political objectives, and its increasing relevance to the needs of people throughout the country. We are a moverent aimediat seizing power in this country. It is critical for us to pre~ sent this message ~ and its reality— to the American people on Inauguration Day. III ﬁggﬁips Of‘The Action A. Tactical Objectives of Action Around the Inauguration. We should view the action as a situation in which there is a possibility of makir; certain specific political gnints (discussed above) in the context of an internitional and national focus r“n the inauguration of Nixon. Due to this con— text: it will be possible for a relatively small number of peOple (given that it is a “national" action) to have a large political impact around those issues. also, all specific tactical plans should be understood as flexible and sub— ject in change according to the riiitary situation in Washington at that time, sub seq¢;nt political developments, etc, Bi. 'r ‘ux. 18: That SDS organize movement centers, multi-media activities, and otha; centers around which movement peOple can congregate to rap, plan action strategy, hold workshops, etc. Suggested centers are a high school center (set up and planned by high school students from around the Washington area) ; ge0« gra3EIaal area centers; an SDS movement center which could act as a general meet ~ ing 1,1ce for SDS people, and a planning and coordination center for the entime three days. In each of these places,-workshu;s, movies, tactical discussions, etc. “ﬁeld take place. In addition, people whn have been to Cuba are discussing setting up a festival of Cuban films for that cunning. The Mobilization is planning an all day.?ducational Conference which would take piece in on: large building (federal City College) . ts plans include various types of workshops intended to "recruit“ people into different types of . activities§GI organizing, workinchlass organizing, electoral, etc.). Also, "education" workshops on various iopics (corporate power, Nixon's strategies, imperialism, stag? and simultaneou3;with these workshops, an all—day teach—in by ”movement luminaries". Jan. 19: We would continue the Operation of the movement centers, and leave open the possibility of decentralized demonstrations(such as the interna- tional police academy), or participation in the Mbbilization's planned "counter inaugural parade". Ian. 20: A flexible tactical planning for getting people to the inaugura— tion parade route. Immediately after the parade, urge people to congregate be— hind the Justice Dept.(see X on map) which faces onto the parade route. There, plan a rally which has as its main focus the issues of law and order, racism and '”*“‘“?--:Q“ “r“? there¢ ﬂee??? wonlﬂ march to the State Dept, (see.arrow on https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/213a89ef9d7ce929d4311efd838c4f97.tif b65d6f7c995de2e2802e2647381b6c89 PDF Text Text , “1 That evening, there will be six inauguration balls around the city. (two of the balls will be relatively close to the parade route area.) One of them will he in one of the buildings of the Smithsonian Institute -- marked with "S" on the map, the buildings to either side of the Mall. A second will be just North of the White House, the small box immediately above Lafayette Park at the tOp of the mac. .A third is off the map, far to the East. Three others are in a relatively close area to each other, about two miles north of the White House -— see arrow pointing to 18‘s at t0p of map. ‘ w}; " C, Weianation of the map and Inaugural proceedings. ”he inauguration starts at the Capitol building marked on the right of the ma;. there, Nixon is sworn in and delivers his inaugural address. A $6 ad—- mise;en is to be charged to enter the Capitol grounds to dbocrve this ceremony. From there, Nixon leads the parade up Pennsylvania Ave. to the White Housegwhere he met hes the rest of the parade go by from his observation stand on the sidewalk- in frrnm of the White House. Along the route are bleachers where prominent ruling class rim? 1 pay to be seated. All of this is planned to start at appruxl~ matei3'3:., ax'aua wi11 probably conclude around 4:00 PM. The area marked by " The ﬂail“ is a large grassy area running from the Capitol to the Washington ch is directly south of the White House( it is also a large grassy e Monument to the White House, the area referred to as the "Ellipse" m n .. 1 v V' . L' t“. .1 L U '. u’ \o!1 moi-1:: < . . 7 Nb. 4. are .5: .7311"! u on the a;:,) be reflecting pool, with park area on either side, stretches off the mar tr zae 35?? between the wane; gave Nerument and the Lincoln Memorial, about sc: . mLFSKQ, 5:5 west. The State hunt, is due north of the reflecting pool, a- bggg 3Lg¢a Liccks up. ( Constiiwt vi are, runs the length of the mall all the way to 1i: Linr~ r Memorial. The ﬂirt: Rust. is abnut three blocks north of Constitu~ ti C11: » ). Lafayette Park is a onewizwrx 311k across the street from the White Rouse at 3;< tap a: the map. The area w‘ave rennsymvania is business district, turn— in; $333 vhe ghetto in the Northeast seation of the map(upper right corner). Be» ire .“v Sapftcl are government buildings( suprere court, library of Congress, ch3' n;i Senate office buildings; etc.) and then also turns into ghetto. _ J, i, alum; with the NO produce literature and em??? out she huudate Cf this prnpesul; https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1bd30e6af1dca0ce9f7fe5d53910a352.tif 702534d7bddbc00d2e171fd4bf8fd5c2 PDF Text Text Vol. I, No. 6 Kent State University, in Northeast— ern Ohio, is the country's largest school of education. Self—defined as “apathetic” and "conservative“ and characterized by the careerism of a Teacher's school, Kent was a natural recruiting area forthe Oakland police. Natural enough until 300 persons staged Kent's first significant sit—in/blockade in the area surrounding the Placement Bureau; apathetic enough for 700 stu- dents to crowd the Administration Building in support of amnesty; con- servative to the extent of 1400 signa— pures on amnesty petitions. At the week s end it was clear that a new dimension of possible action existed. The sit-in, followed by the campaign for amnesty, was an impor— tant first victory, and gave Kent radi— cals a sense of their own potential while creating visibility, respect, and a larger base of sympathy and support. The action was confrontive educa— tion because of the latent guilt/sym— pathy and confusion generated by the presence of the black students. Shocking in its directness to a campus ”not yet ready, " the confrontation achieved only partial success in ad— dressing the real issues of university complicity with racism and the politi— cal role of the campus police. The original demands were frequently sub— merged or forgotten as a result of the amnesty focus, the Black United Students (BUS) walkout, and the emer— gence of several small, white vigi- lante groups. Nevertheless, the joint confronta— tion by BUS/SDS raised central quest- ions concerning the black and white movements in America and the diffi— culties and advantages of alliances at this time. SDS is new at Kent, only existing in substantial form since August. 111-- Cleveland, Ohio _ Liberation nd One W...- volved in base-building since the be- ginning of school (post-Chicago), educational work was seen as central . to building the white movement during the Oakland visit. ”Huey—~A Black Panther Documentary" was shown in several classes and dormitories, and . 2000 COpies of the SDS newspaper ' were distributed the night before Wednesday's action. Generally, edu- cation was late and uneven; most . leaflets used during the week were failures: poorly written and inadequate- 1y distributed. , As with the teach—ins , part of the problem within SDS was rooted in our lack of confidence in ' our ability to articulate our own pol— itics . 6 December 1968 Contribution 10¢ BUS at Kent is a good example of \cqllegiate cultural nationalism. Hamp- ered by a lack of political perspect- ive, BUS was nonetheless willing to initiate joint action. The alliance was tentative, fraught with distance, suspicion, and a lack of clearly de— fined mutual goals. As the week continued, communication became less frequent and more unreliable; ‘rumors dominated both groups, each ' --spurred on by self-appointed . faculty negotiators--afraid of a possible betrayal by the other. ‘ Reaction within BUS to SDS stressed distrust of alleged white manipulation and apprehension of SDS's supposed militancy. Uncom— fortable with the restrictions of the alliance, SDS's criticism of BUS was modified by the results of BUS’s spontaneously political appreciation of escalation/mobility in leaving the Placement Bureau (site of the sit-in) (con't p. 3, col. 1) Another episode in the non—funct— ioning of the Cuyahoga County Wel- fare Department occurred Monday afternoon, December 2. Approxi— mately 80 welfare mothers and their supporters appeared at the County Commissioners' chambers to present lists of itemized amounts of money for winter clothing for their children. The commissioners hold twice—weekly afternoon meetings. That afternoon, however, they were on their way to a convention in Columbus , having rescheduled their afternoon meeting to an unannounced time that morning. (The commissioners act out the drama of ' meeting before the public only when they and County Welfare Department Director Eugene Burns have written the script ahead of time, as with the ”public hearings" held ‘ma mg. m (ﬂea 6:60am NOTE: a minimum three day con— vention budget for‘the three county commissioners and two welfare bureaucrats would be 5 motel rooms at $l4/day/ person $210 meals at $8/person/day 120 gas expenses for 2 cars at 793/mile ' 30 salaries for three days for five officials 500 $860 By county standards of clothing a child for $5, 172 children would have been clothed while the county employees partied in Columbus. Wgw 8W E393 QWW the previous week. When a group of non—union actors, unwilling to follow a pre~written script, appear on the scene, the commissioners pull their disappearing act.) After a short meeting the group marched several blocks to the County ‘Welfare Dept. to present their cloth- "(con't p. 2, coll) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/03cd4dd01fd95f0f384139164009bcab.tif 0f25f279ac8d89caea963e03467ccb51 PDF Text Text (waiting, con'd from p. 1) ing demands to Burns. The mothers arrived on the sixth floor at about 2 pm to learn that Gene was also on his way to a convention in Columbus. A conference room was quickly lib— erated and a host of distraught ad— ministrators took turns giving the feeble excuse that when Gene leaves town no one is left with authority to grant emergency allowances for such items as a pair of shoes. Mrs. Tuttle (Chief Supervisor) ex— plained that they had asked the High- way Patrol to search for Gene's car and he was found at about 3:30 pm at a motel. A series of telephone ne- gotiations took place between the Welfare Rights Movement represent— atives Mrs. Lee Jordan and Mrs. Sophia Cruz. WRM stuck to their position of demanding a meeting with the commissioners. Eventually a meeting was scheduled for Thursday afternoon with County Commissioner Chairman German and Burns . The sit-in ended at 6:30pm. Having made no arrangements for all—night babysitting for their children, WRM decided to leave the building and -mobilize for Thursday's meeting. The day's events must be consid- ered a major step forward for the WRM. It was their most militant and largest action to date. When 5 pm closing time approached and no ef— fort was made by the administrators to ask the group to leave, it became evident that Burns was fearful of risking the bad publicity that would result from having the police evict poor people from the institution supposedly designed to serve them. Mike Bibler Dear Editors, What has happened to the "move- .ment" in Cleveland? Has it become fractured or are people disoriented because of organizing in many dif- ferent areas ? I raise these questions as a result of talking to various people from Cleveland, reading The BIG US, and from knowing what was happen- ing in Cleveland this summer. The "movement" this summer made Cleveland a place to look to— ward for direction. People finally felt there was hope in midwestern Ohio. The most relevant aspects of the summer were the programs which had political direction. The people involved had a political commitment. ‘ There was a community that was responsible to each other and shared problems, successes and ideas re~ gardless of what areas the individ— uals were working in. The "move- ment" appeared to have stability because people were responsible to each other and were, above all, concerned about seriously building that movement in Cleveland. My observations lead me to be- lieve that the political direction and personal commitment are no longer obviously working forces within the Cleveland "movement. " I raise other questions. Why did people not feel enough responsibility to work together to "keep the office open and functioning? What happen— ed to the resistance program and draft Counseling? Since draft coun- seling is one of the most important things the movement has to offer its constituency, it would seem that this program would be one of the major cohesive forces within that movement. The summer project had such a program. Will the community be reestab— lished; will the "movement" in Cleveland again be a place to look to for political direction? . James Chambers New York University A 33 93 We’re all leaders When that boatload of wobblies eome Up-to Everett, the sheriff says Don't you come no further Who the hell's yer leader anyhow Who's yer leader And them wobblies yelled right back-— We ain't got no leader We're all leaders And they kept right on comin'. (Written by a Nevada Wobbly, and quoted by C. Wright Mills in New Men of Power.) blmdn can an greahel m in diminishi Engine reality at what one sees. 2 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1459d2905ff7978090210d52e3e0ca21.tif f843ab89bd9220d8f8a3793f19067869 PDF Text Text (Kent, cont. from p. 1) ‘Wednesday evening and during the walkout. Both BUS—initiated moves -—initially questioned by SDS-~in— ' creased visibility and pressure. The unrealized pressure of the black presence did much to expose the university's vulnerability. Considering the relative inexper- ience of either group with alliances, the fact that both groups maintained and sharpened their own identity within the coalition is noteworthy. Though contact may be continued, the pressures for internal consoli— dation within both groups will prob— ably prevent joint action in the near future. For the campus, the confrontation revealed the inadequacy, stupidity, dishonesty, and disorganization of the administration. The exposure of police infiltration of SDS, and the transparency of ”due process” further desanctifie d the mythology of administrative neutrality. Ac- companied by the anti—BUS/SDS editorials of the trustees’ news— papers, the action laid the ground- work for raising questions central to the nature of the university. Student government, which opted for self—protection with its bull— shitty observations about apathy and majority in the face of our ac- complishments, was revealed as powerless, cowardly, and without direction. The resignations of the five black members reinforced its delegitimacy and isolation. At the same time, the possibility of cooptation is implicit both in stu— dent government's newly—formed committee to investigate recruiting and the student power promises of a new constitution. The role of the faculty—~ignored by the ad1ninistration——was that of a pas— sive accomplice to due process double- think. As at Columbia, the faculty emasculated itself through the self— indulgence (and self—delusion) of med- iation. Unwilling to engage in real debate or action, professorial com— mentary was quickly reduced to the banality of ”This is the most intellect— ual stimulation this campus has had in years” or the "Opportunity for dialogue.” However, the combination of guilt— confusion over the BUS involvement (with much suspicion and ignorance of SDS) and the dishonest, arbitrary hand- ling of the legal situation by the admin— istration did surface a liberal aliena- tion from the administration. But ex— cept for one possible person, no rad- ical faculty emerged~~even the teach— 9 faculty. ins were dominated by admonitions to SDS and distress over the BUS walkout. Appropriately, the Faculty Senate carefully protected the interests of the Board of Trustees (and the channeling of students into racist institutions) by declaring ”our present concern is that recent events not obscure funda— ‘ mental commitments of the university. " To this end, by rejecting arbitration and restricting the Ohio Civil Rights Commission's investigation to racial discrimination, the administration has insured that no official discussion of the real issues of racism, recruiting, and the political role of the campus police will occur. ‘ For our part, racism has yet to be defined in any but the vague (and re— pres sive) terms of the Kerner Com— mission. The institutional and thus class nature of racism is certain to be blurred by the Ohio Civil Rights Commission. On campus, little co— herent connection has been made be— tween general dissatisfaction with the quality of university life and the structure and assumptions of Ameri— . can society. Local research and in- ’ creased political interpretations are I central to addressing and acting upon the university's complicity. The BUS decision to remain apolitical for purposes of consolidation may open ' them to cooptation with more black culture and scholarships and the addi- tion of hLunan relations staff for campus protection with no real discussion of . racism or the university. Cooptation of SDS is not imminent, . but possibilities exist in the remnants of student government and the liberal More impertant, the influx of new people into SDS demands flex- 1 libility and a willingness to communi— cate and. act upon radical politics in an undogmatic and creative fashion. The Oakland confrontation remains a modified success—~critical areas ‘of follow-up still exist. During the confrontation we dis- ; covered our ability to attract large . numbers of students, touching the heretofore passive alienation of people disgusted with the character— istic boredom and bad classes. Majority apathy existed as a poten— tial base, providing little active I support for the administration. Anti- ' BUS/SDS sentiment appeared but was never significantly transformed in— to pro—administration support. White vigilante groups operated in isola- ptiOl ——a march to back President White_involved_3_0 students and 2 prof assors. By assuming the Stephen 3 J Decatur ("my country right or wrong') . position on the university, the right wing dissolved, defending a newly enacted $20 raise in tuition, a move hardly calculated to'win majority sympathy. The sit—in provided a central con— frontive‘focus forvmembers of student liberal organizations, and the atten- dance at teach-ins indicated growing response. At the same time, our ability to control the political content of discussion was challenged, par— ticularly by the influx of liberal pro- fessors at teach—ins. The radical movement was thus fragmented and we missed an important opportunity to substitute radical content for liberal respectability. In addition, SDS’s public insistance on the moral quality of action (and amnesty) sometimes obscured a clearer po— litical understanding of the university. Despite our inability to sustain the boycott and to hold and involve new people, the Oakland confronta— tion was supported by substantial numbers of students, proving de— cisively the possibilities for the Movement at a campus new to Left politics. . As the first prolonged militant action in Ohio, new pos— sibilities were created at Kent and throughout the state with important implications for the spring. The action successfully avoided some aspects of the Midwestern temptation toward post—Columbia (tactics without analysis) posturing. Sufficiently authentic in many re— Spects——pe0ple waiting to go to jail Wednesday evening, the moral de- mand of amnesty—~the action served to initially connect national and local issues in an identifiable. way. For many, however, Oakland is still remote and the political role of police 'in American society has not-yet been adequately understood. (cont. p.5, col. 1) 2783'Euclid Hts. Blvd. Cleveland Ht. ,Ohio 44106 932—5115 Becky Knuth https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/f5fac07065cbbe548fa609cce0250869.tif ab451b80650cbc0b97a063fed1d5d419 PDF Text Text WHICH SCHOOL 5% Shavv In high schools throughout the city, students are confronting their ad- ministration, advocating student power or at least a form of better student representation. As a result of this movement the administration has, in an attempt to curtail so— called "subversive elements, " be— come increasingly hostile to the student body. The administrators, when publicizing student action, which they rarely do,' claim that anarchists are attempting a takeover. This article will deal specifically ‘with the activities of the ”anarchists” at Shaw High School. Shaw has three principals, all white, who construct, dictate, and enforce regulations which compel the students into a pattern of con- formity. In an interview with the main principal, Mr. Drebus, he admitted that his personal morals and prejudices are what set the pol- icies of the school. Consequently, anything Mr. Drebus is personally offended by becomes something that the entire school is offended by. However, Mr. Drebus claims that the students are represented, and that to someext ent he bases his opinions and policies on what the student body feels. This brings us to the matter of the Student Council. Student Council is perhaps the greatest farce ever presented to the studentbody. This point is readily provable. Student Council consists of approximately 74% white and 26% black students. However, the stud- ent body is only 40% white and 60% black. Yet the administration still claims that the student body is .re- presented. The administration has in effect admitted that the student ' body is run totally by the adminis- trators. Without suitable represent- ation, the students are severely handicapped in suggesting policies‘of change or correction. In addition, the administration is not attempting to bring about a better student representation. Since the student has no effective - way to make himself heard in the school, he must turn to his fellow students. Through student organi- zation, the student gains power, forc- ing the administration to listen to and act on the students' grievances. However, this can only be accomp~ 'lished when. students communicate readily 'and effectively.. Shaw’s a.d-'- 3ministrators are very efficient in stiﬂing such communication. They claim to have a school newspaper, but it is actually only a class project, subject to the censorship of Mr. Drebus. Recently the editor of the newspaper planned to print an article about SDS, to explain to the students what the organization was really trying to accomplish. .He was not allowed to do this on the grounds that if such “subversive” literature were circulated in the schools, the school‘s reputation would suffer. It has since become apparent that this censorship occurs because the administrators are afraid of what will happen if the students do learn the truth. Stu- dents now find themselves with no effective representation and no .voice to speak out against such in- -'ustices. ' - The BIG US will feature a regular1 high school page, edited by Ike . Coleman (541—7216) and, Brian Thomas (681-3377). Contributions for this page should be sent to the _ special“ editors or tothe BIG US. Another greatly restricted form of student expression is his limited choice of style of dress. To regu- late this, the school instituted a dress code which has remained literally unchanged for many years. In theory the code is revised by the administrators every year. In practice, however, and by the ad- mission of the vice—superintendent of schools, the last major change was made in about 1957 . Fashions change, but school rules seem to be immortal. Fashion is not the only thing that changes with time. In 1957 Shaw's student body eensisted almost en- tirely of white upper—middle class students. In 1968, however, the majority of the students are black, leaving the dress code of 10 years ago hopelessly outdated. Yet these rules are still enforced. It would appear that the administration is trying to make black students con- form to white society. It is obvious that some degree of white racism is present in the ad— ministration. A good example is the black/white ratio of the Shaw 4 cheerleaders. Out of 10 the ideal ratio would be 6 blacks and 4 whites. in reality we find only one black. This pattern is repeated throughout the school. Mr. Drebus pleads innocent to any intentional racism, but claims he selects cheerleaders and the like on the basis of ability. However, the black girl who is considering en- tering competition for a position on the cheerleading squad is con- fronted with a psychological barrier in that she is faced by predomi- nantly white judges. This is institutional racism and can be overcome. First, the ad- ministrators must realize that the average black student sees only the number of black cheerleaders and nothing more. Second, the adminis- , trators may, in some cases, have to , drop the ”high" eligibility standards sotthat more blacks are encouraged to participate. Individual faculty members are free to impose their own policies in the classroom. Clear—cut cases of racism in the classroom are hard to detect and quite rare. But institu- tional racism again takes over be- cause of teachers' lack of experi- ence or their inability to handle black students. The black student is forced to conform not only to white. dress habits, but social habits and intellectual concepts as well. It is not surprising that the black student is becoming increasingly rebellious. The student'at Shaw High School is not represented, is forced to appear ”tastefully, ” is not permitted to ex- press his views, and is discriminated against if he is black. ' Shaw dis— plays an air of facism. Brian Thomas Keith Thomas WE NEED PEOPLE . . . for interstate and county high school organizing, especially people who can drive or have cars. . . .for distributing The BIG US and a high school newspaper (ALICE'S RESTAURANT) which will be put back on the market soon. Money is needed. Contributions should be sent (check or money or- ders) to Ike Coleman, 1845 Belmorer, E. Cleveland. Interested people should contact Ike, 541-7216. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0c38b16a54e311ab94bf175fcd660f5b.tif ad57b5e5aed6c21832e901a92c410651 PDF Text Text (Kent, cont.) The coming months require in- creased work and political sophisti- cation if we are to be seen as a genu- ine programmatic alternative. The need for internal consolidation, which .emerged from the confrontation, was coupled with the necessity of renewed organizing in developing constituen— cies (classrooms, dorms, etc.). With the Board of Regents and the Board of Trustees' decision to make infiltration and repression official ’campus policy, a strong movement is. essential to defeat efforts to deny campus recognition to SDS. For us at Kent, the highlight of the week was an expanded view of people ——waiting to go to jail together, marching together, talking, planning, identifying, moving out of isolation, becoming political, joining to expand and sustain a growing community of radicals. ON TO WASHINGTON ! I (The author is currently an SDS - organizer at Kent, and was involved REVEILLE! A little over two years ago I enlist- ed in the U.S. Army. At the time I felt it was right because Iwas young and, like many others, I"was sucked up in the propaganda before I could really realize just what the hell was happening. I was in the infantry and, little by little, I began to see for myself the military ”machine" that I had been hearing about. I put up with stateside bullshit and, thankfully, was never called on to do any "riot duty. ” I don't believe I could have done it even upon orders. At demonstrations the Army likes to use military police because usually they tend to be just like the pigs on the outside. I spent eleven months in Vietnam, and shortly before Iwas due to come ' home, Iwas wounded. The war is so fantastically absurb that it's hard to describe. The majority of American flag. or any of that shit; they are fighting because they are there and they don't want to die. So many times I'd sit and wonder Why, and try to find an answer to all the needless death. But there wasn't one to find. I knew a priest who was there a while and was starting to loose his faith in a God because of it. You really don't know what the fuck you . are doing there. The people, for the most part, hate us and I really'can't blame them . Try ‘ giving a candy bar to a young! kid Whose mother is dead or to a mother with a baby burned and scarred for life (Dow shall not ”kill 1). . . .Pot-—well, this is a favorite subject of mine. ‘ The brass usually keeps it quiet—-if they locked up every- one who smoked there wouldn't be anybody left to fight. Iwas in the 17 3rd, and man, almost everyone to the man smokes the finest of grasses. Coming back through the hospitals as a patient really did it. A couple of months of seeing wounded guys . (cont. p.7, col.l) . in the events of the past. few weeks.) soldiers aren't fighting for LBJJ the 4W“ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/8364319dec2fbdb644dacd2a37827d83.tif 45e6ad1155469c3eef0a2a050f3af782 PDF Text Text gCL'EVELAND: Subversive Squad shufﬂe . . . The 12—man Subversive Squad led by Sgt. Ungvary, devoted for 30 years to watching and bounding .1; protesters of America's injustices, has been dis-" banded. But, don't worry —- they're not losing interest in us. In his new position in the detective bureau, Sgt. Ungvary will keep an eye on subversives. . . Paint their wagons -- Cleveland police have repainted their cars to deter crime. University Circle's private force has changed from green to green and white for clearer identi— ' fication. In a reverse action, Cleveland police are switch— ing from black and white to pale blue, with numbers on the top, visible only to helicopters. Real cops aren't so anxious to be identified. . .In case the new paint job doesn't stop crime completely,‘ citizens have the chance to become their own cops, with The Preventer, a $7. 80 gadget just like the famous defensive ? ? ‘2 weapon used‘ by thousands of police departments throughout the U.S. OHIO: Most Ohioans accepted the choice of evils in the . presidential election November 5. Of 4, 010, 480 voters, only 603 cast ballots for the 5 write—in candidates. Dick Gregory led with 372 votes. . .While welfare mothers struck for clothing allowance increases in Cleveland, the Federal government announced a plan to provide wel- fare recipients with free lawyers'for civil cases, and the state ordered an investigation of Ohio's welfare system, directed at the system, not at the recipients- But they're still not planning to ask the recipients, who know the sys— ' . tem best. Burns, Welfare Director in Cleveland, des- cribed the mothers’ action as holding a ”gun to his head. ” i. The question is do they have to shoot it. CHICAGO. . CHICAGO. . .The Walker report, 345 pages desCribing Chicago during the bloody Democratic Con- vention, concluded that a police riot occurred there. The report urges prempt and severe action against of- fending policemen. Only 8 or 10 policemen have been suspended or dismissed to date. . .At the same time, Tom Hayden and Rennie Davis, National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, which organized the ”Stop the Convention” demonstration, are testifying before HUAC in Washington. Hayden said, ”If you think you saw militant people at these hearings, you've seen nothing until you see the seven and eight year olds in the next few years. ” v.1..l'r 1“. "X l. . ‘ .»-"“ - “1..“ 6'" .. ‘ . :n v 0 ' of the world,".’ anti—Christmas protesters explain. , A pamphlet on the current Mexican conflict, "Mexico 1968: _, PROTEST: Schools. . . Three Ohio University Q " students were fined $50 and costs and given 10- 7, I». "f day suspended sentences for protesting gun—car— . _ " rying' campus police. . . Students at University of Wisconsin are not eating in the Union cafeteria. They're - eating free food from Liberation Food Service in protest against Union policies. . . 200 to 300 people tried to dis— rupt on—campus interviews by Olin—Mathieson at Univer- sity of Connecticut; 12 were arrested. . .Several hundred students at Arizona State University occupied the Univer- sity President’s office for 4 hours November 20 in a dis- pute concerning contract with a laundry firm. . .11 Greek { students committed ”sedition" against the fascist ruling i clique by printing anti—government leaﬂets. The chari- table kangaroo military court ruled that the four who de— clared they were communists evidenced "diminished intel— lectual facilities", and handed down 21—ye ar sentences. . . INDIVIDUALS. . . Black Panther leader Eldridge Cleaver ignored a date for his return to prison after serving 9 years of a 13 year sentence. He's disappeared -- the sky's the limit. . . Bruce Dancis, 20—year old editor of The First Issue, Cornell SDS paper, convicted for ripping up his draft card in December, 1966, has been released to his lawyer after 5500 Cornell student signatures were submitted to the New York court. . .ANTI—CHRIS T- MAS: "StOp the Christmas Terror! " is the new battle cry of Sweden’s New Left. Christmas action groups have at- tempted to occupy large department stores. "We drown in luxury. . . it consituties a challenge to the poor people MUSIC . . MUSIC . . MUSIC . . .The Beatles are considering doing a series of free concerts in the U.S. next spring or early summer as a thank you to their American fans. TO READ: The Toronto Anti—draft Programme is we rking on the third edition of its "Manual for Draft-age Immi— grants to Canada. " 2279 Yonge St. , Toronto 12, Ontario. a study in Domination and Repression, " has just been pub— ' lished by NACLA ($1), Box 57, Cathedral Station, N. Y. 10025. . .Rolling Stone , rock tabloid, $6 for 26 issues; $10 for 52 issues: Rolling Stone, 746 Brannan St. , San Francisco, California 94103. . ._Iii_f§_ article on Chicago Report and Corruption of Chicago Police, December 6, The BIG US is published biweekly as the news- letter of the Cleveland movement. Editorial: Carole Close, Carol McEldowney, Enid Zuckerman Contributors : Staff: Ed Cliffel, Ike Coleman, Doug Fabish, Paul Johnson, Paul White Design: Eric Ambro, Dave Sheridan Advertising: Ann Forster Send articles to The BIG US, c/o The Outpost, 13037 Euclid. Telephone: 541-2444 1968. ‘ DEADLINES FOR NEXT ISSUE The next issue will be dated Wednesday, December 18. Articles: Wednesday, December 11 Announcements, news, happenings: Saturday, December 14 Calendar listings: Monday, December 16 ADVERTISING RATES Commercial 1/16 of a page: 3 5.00 1/8 ofapage: $10.00. 1/4 of a page: $20.00 (1/16 of a page = 81/2 sq. in ) Personal ‘ $1 each, limit 3 lines can The BIG US at 541-2444. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/9197dc47593b32776ca8ca001cfefd34.tif c78aecddb3ddb580e6b9d77237980c73 PDF Text Text ”(reveille, ' cont.) begins to work on your head and again, you ask yourself "why?” Iwas in the hospital when Chicago happened and most of the guys were turned off by the way the pigs and Daley treated people there. One guy with no legs told me that was the worst thing he had ever seen. I almost cried when he told me that. - (LNS) The student strike at San Fran- cisco State marks a quantum leap in the history of the student movement. The maybe even a few days later, guerilla action would be taken again. Thousands of students who were not I‘m out now, and I'm keeping a promise 'I made to myself while Iwas in the Nam: that if I ever got out alive I would do everything I could to stop this insanity. This is what I‘m doing now and, brothers and sisters, believe me when I say I'm not the only GI or Vet who feels the way I do and believes that no one should have to die. PEACE ”politics of confrontation. ' gasmic decision to occupy buildings, .the students substitute the long strike, at times educational, at times disrup~ Dostal and Cass trials Last Monday, December 2, Ted Dostal was scheduled to go on trial in the Municipal Court. Ted and Dave Gass were arrested for “as- saulting an officer“ during the policed“ riot following George Wallace's rally at Public Auditorium on October 5th. After two months of searching, the police have finally uncovered the two cops Ted allegedly struck. They also.- found anew ”witness" just before the trial began. The original witness was home sick. Ted's lawyer was able to convince the court that. they needed an extension, since so much new evidence was brought in at the last minute. Ted's new trial date is January 27. Dave Gass goes on trial Monday, December 9th. A support demon- stration has been called by Youth Against War & Fascism. It will be— gin at 8 a. m. at City Hall, 601 Lake- side. ' COVENTRY VILLAGE Mam HANDMADE ORIGINALS IN LEATHER BY BILL JONES, NASSAU TRADE MARK Sandals, Handbn a, Delta, Garments for dies and Gentlemen 1864 Coventry Rd. Cleveland Ohio "10):: x»); Open Noon to 8 PM tactics are new: the jump beyond the For the or— tive, always insistent on building mass '; support over a long haul. Instead of acting out a defense with barricades, where we await the inevitable retribu— tion, we keep moving, attacking in our own time, defending ourselves when the police try to block our momentum. Instead of sealing ourselves in a buil— ding, apart from the student body,‘we‘rel outside, everywhere, among them. Seizing a building, the tactic that made Columbia famous, was never more than a tactic. Apocalyptic moods turned it into a strategy, or the appearance of one. The occupation of Moses Hall at Berkeley marked the shattering end. - The occupiers of the San Fernando Val- ley State administration building are up on kidnapping now. The adminis— trators are organized, too, nationwide. involved in the actual guerilla demon— strations served the cause of the strike by acting as a buffer zone between the cops and the guerillas. They have been so successful in hampering the action of the police that Acting Presi— dent Hayakawa began his third day on the job by issuing a warning to students and spectators not to form crowds or join crowds. ”There are no innocent bystanders in this situation. A bystander, even of innocent intent, serves to shield with his body activities of the trouble— makers :— andthere’s nothing these people want less ‘thanﬁto be isolated with the police. ” But the crowds formed, and grewninto thousands. Latest news bulletin: violence on the campus as the strike continues. Strik— ers who tried to surround a classroom ”building were met by police. Students threw rocks and bricks and, in response, were bloodied by police clubs. Several people, including ceps, were injured. They know now to bring the cops in ~ fast —- a one—night stand is all you get. San Francisco State is the first coun- » .terblow, a revolution in the revolution. 'Guerilla tactics have been the key to the success of the student strike which is now in its fourth week. Over a thousand students have charged through class rbom buildings, beating on the doors of scab classes. When the. cops came the students split —— to another building or back to peaceful picket lines and discussion groups. When the cops dropped their guard, hours or ABBIE HOFFMAN AND THE STARS AND STRIPES Washington (LNS) —— ”My only re- gret is that I have but one shirt to give for my country, " announced Yippie leader Abbie Hoffman as he heard a Washington judge pronounce him guilty of desecrating the Ameri— can flag. According to the judge, Hoffman had overdone his patriotism by wearing a stars—and-stripes shirt to a House Unamerican Activities Committee (HUAC) session. He was sentenced to 30 days, but he's free pending the outcome of an appeal. 7 ‘ THE SACRED HUSHRUUU BELL BOTTOMS DRESSES * BLOUSES 1816 COVENTRY TEE CHESS CENTER INC. 5th floor Masonic Temple Bldg. 3615 Euclid Ave. 361-9836 Wednesday evenings Open House $lO/yenr membership Key club (escape from reality) https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/87cc24a79cd49cc3879324deafe2df38.tif ed13d4b491fcddaa189835e1d2b62263 PDF Text Text ﬁzz ground ﬁe Beet Emotion [21. ﬁlms matron THE WELL/OUTPOST The Well—Outpost is organized to offer a continual opportunity for dialogue across all social, economic, racial, and political lines. It is open week nights from 8-11 pm and 8—12 pm on Fridays and Saturdays, at 13037 Euclid Ave.- The hope is that the issue centeredness of the Outpost and the dialogue of The Well might merge and that talk lead to action among the many young-- and old!-—people involved. Plans are currently being made for sever— - al organizations to use other rooms in t'heOutpost building for office Space” including the Student Health Organization, the Medical Commit- tee for Human Rights, the Welfare Rights Organization, the Young Adult group of MDS, and The BIG US. The. Outpost Print Shop will con— tinue and probably expand its opera— tions under the direction of printer , Bill Unkel. Offset printing at nom- inal costs will be available to move— ment and various community groups. (The major publication right now being The BIG US.) WOMEN'S LIBERATION Throughout America groups of women have begun to recognize the oppression of women as a group in society. In many places groups have formed, for the purpose of trying to develop a clearer analysis of the situation in which women find themselves, and to create programs to deal with those problems. A women‘s liberation group has recently formed in Cleveland. So far it consists of women active in the movement (where they find the same problems of oppression exist— ing) and other interested women. Meetings are Sundays at 2 pm. For place and more information contact Charlotte Bunch Weeks, 268—5131. The Dec. 8th meeting will dis cuss education and its relationship to women. .. how people can choose actions and . Thursday, December 12: racism and classprivilege is used solution, is how professionals funct— THEOLOGY or REVOLUTION UC M— Sponsored seminar at the Olive Tree, 4 pm. Dec. 12. Discussion. of individual experiences and how people have reached "where they're at” now. Dialogue will focus on the dilemma of roles towards social change which are expressive of their values and beliefs. RADICALS IN THE PROFESSIONS with the albatross of social control preferences of the philanthropic com- munity. The ”helping" professions are already political; that is, they consciously maintain the authority relations of the status guo. It is pos- . sible to imagine a therapeutic rela— tionship in the "new society“ which is both helpful and democratic. The basic insights and skills of politically concerned people in the "helping" professions should be used to cata- lyze the organization of the people being ”helped" so that they can change their conditions. SPEAKER: Fran Pivan . . .School of Social Work at Colum— bia University, and very familiar with the Welfare Rights Movement nationally, both as an organizer and 'a theoretician. PLACE: 1914 Lounge, CWRU Student Union, 8 pm. "Community Control: A Role for the Professions“ > The current struggle for commun- ity control in the New York City schools is a dramatic example of how by professionals. Some peeple have begun to discuss new alternative roles for professionals: ways of working with local people to create institutions that will serve the legit- imate needs of both groups and ex- ploit neither. One question that must _‘ ....... at The Coven Tree 1799 Coventry Road Cleveland Hts Ohio 321-1991 be addressed, in working towards a ion as a "new working class" and ‘ can be organized for solidarity with rather than competition with the people they serve. SPEAKER: Stanley Aronowitz . . . organizer on NYC's Lower East Side, working with citizens groups on community control of health ser— vices and housing, and a regular columnist for The Guardian. He is a former SDS National Council mem— ber, a past editor of Studies on the .1433) and founder of the NYC Com- mittee for Independent Political Action. PLACE: 1914 Lounge, CWRU Student Union, 8 pm ' Thursday, December 19: ”Radical Perspectives on the Social Work ' Field" The history of professionalized help to social processes has been burdened 8 HOLIDAY PEACE . GIFTS PEACE gifts for the holidays . Cards, English candles, posters, "medallions, and peasant straw art. Featuring works of the famous artist Thomas Benton, and items from the California group, "Another Mother’for Peace“ inscribed, ”war is not healthy for children and other living things.“ Gifts available at all prices. Sun., Dec. 8. For place contact Mrs. Jonathan Reiket, 321—4208. Dec. 10 82 ll, evenings; Mrs. Robert Marin, 3590 Cummings Dr. , Cleve. , Hts. . West Side, by appointment only: Dec. 14 & 15. Mrs. Jay Preston Irwin, 1868 Rivercliff Dr., Fair— view Park. Sponsored by the local WOMEN SPEAK OUT FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE . https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ee112eba7cad4782aa9636d0d176c7a3.tif bf1b1ecf78b57eeedc04fd2f8254cdc4 PDF Text Text ”(SW/aw Kaye/email? 1- ﬂ/liw «iii/{x A/ Z I: SAIGON (LNS) -- ”The American 1 destruction of our country is so ter- , rible that it's necessary for all Viet- namese patriots to unite to save the homeland. So even though I'm a Budd- hist pacifist, I'm willing to cooperate with the National Liberation Front. " Three years ago such words would have been unusual; in 1968 they are commonplace. They were spoken in ’ a small apartment in downtown Saigon by a modest but determined yOung lady, who was patiently explaining to me the significance of the Alliance of National, Democratic and Peace For- ces. I john and BINGO and cause: of) ‘the fact that "t11e'"leade rszhava 7- ' been Sentenced to death in absentia ,"5: ' by a Saigon military Court ”The best known leaders live 111 libcr~ ated territory, " the young Woman ex—-. ‘ Some hold high pos1tions in continue to work for liberation. The Alliance is especially appealing to young students like myself who are not Cemmunists but are eager to contribute to the salvation of the nation. ” I asked her opinion of official Amer— ican claims that the Alliance is just a- nother “tool of Hanoi. " She smiled and replied that it is not so. “The . Alliance was organized by city people, mostly middle—elass intel-— lectuals. We offered to cooperate With the NLF, and the Front gladly accepted, but nobody created us. 1 paul and george and J ercmy the 11/0 w Fiere man who IS\1v somewher/e. a yellow submarine, yes, a magical mystery tour (an antidote to all the lonely peOple) The’Alliance' formed soon after the ' Tet Offensive, as a response of mid— dle~class intellectuals to the "urbani—- zation” of the war. With NLF soldiers fighting in the streets and American 1 (F’sub w........‘.,__—-. to Pepperland-- home of Sgt". Pepper' 5 {ﬁstaff to man it} no central communications hdq. ' _‘:The.,BIG.US office will beat the "? .. TEE ' EIG US": 1': HANGE' oFADDEEss; MDs OFFICE CLOSES The MDS office has officially closed '51'down1, due to lack of rent money and .1 plained, “but many promment people in '1'Saig0n are seeretly identified with the 1 Alliance. 1 . the government or the army while they As of now, there is Outpost, 13037 Euclid. Temporary phone is 541— 2444. Our intelligence network, deSpite the communications blackout, has learned of the following contacts: High school: Ike Coleman . ' (541-7216) Bill? .Parker (321-0643) _ Corky Benedict (321-7640) Peter Krembs: (752— 4038) Draft Counseling :Rob Dixon , (651- 8178) PERSONALS College: Young Adult: I'm looking for a cheap tambourine, good condition. Call 421— 5236. ' Spanish guitar for sale. Call 7 911942. Lonely Hearts Club Band, where” blue Meanie (funny, you don't look blewish) and green apples ' ' - and purple GLOVE attack‘. BUT: ‘ 0 all you need is Love and. a little help from your friends planes bombing and strafing the cities, those who had previously protested on— 1 1y by parades and petitions suddenly had to choose sides. A neutralist ”third force" was no longer tenable. Those opposed to the American invasion, but lacking a rev— olutionary class perspective, saw that their interests of national salvation were best represented by the NLF. ‘ If. the Vietnamese are to survive as a nation, they must drive out the Amer— icans. The reasoning was obvious, but it still shocked the UIS. establishment when, in April 1968, Trinh Dinh Thao, a respected Northern-born lawyer, and Thich Don Hao, a venerated old monk from Hue, emerged as the leaders (chairman and vice—chairman, reSpec— ‘1'1 tively) of the Alliance, and announced .their readiness to undertake common actions with the NLF. Since then, the Alliance has grown progressively stronger in the cities of 1 would probably not take up arms South Vietnam, despite (or perhaps be— We did it ourselves. ” I introduced... the subject of violence. How could she, a pacifist, work together with . the NLF, which, whatever else one i might say for it, is certainly not a pacifist organization? ' . She explained that she herself rewew (the Beatles can do ANYthing) (even when you're 64). Sing all too1g1ether now. Sing17Now® GLOVE mﬂv WVE NO INow LZD'KNOW/ YES! i 1 Film critic rating: HIGH to STONED Raters: Carol McEldowney and John Roberts because it was notneeessarysfor her to do so. “There are many ways to help. But, you know, some- times violence is necessary -- rev- olutionary violence to defend the people. Whether the Alliance is a "tool of Hanoi" or an "independent, indigen— ous, etc.H is irrelevant. What counts is that people who would rather study than struggle, who would rather live openly than secretly, peacefully rather than violently, have been driven to the point where they now stand Side by side with their rural brothers in a common struggle against the foreign invaders . 9 - “POETRY READING,1.C”-.~E°l Marge Piercy, a New Left poet and an organizer with MDS in NYC, Will be in Cleveland to present a reading of her poetry. She is the author of a book of poems, "Breaking Camp, ” and her poems and short fiction have been published in literary anthologies and periodicals. Next year she will have a novel published, about a young man's identity crisis and urban renewal. DATE: Friday, December 6, 8 pm PLACE: 1914 Lounge, CWRU Student Union. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1731f500a41416bba474a6e61193ccbb.tif fa7dc5027587cbb565b4b57f2e3cf55d PDF Text Text .Mm‘u‘. $453.“"1“f‘-_ 1,11%; W11. wr. .. a haze, ‘ _.. "“v,1"1'-1“~»~'t'-~'-1r~‘-IN- ..,, 3”me “up.“ ,_‘\1,.m,ﬁ.“m.,‘..t.,\,,\.1,,v n.1, . 3.1.051, _. .1 4 5m .m - ,, Nu» . 1- 4 ., u..1...m mw .. . i1? 1», _, , .. _ _‘ ‘nz. 1.“ . _ J M 5‘ ﬂ‘ ‘N .. ,~ , ‘ . M “a.” ,1 . . _ ., ”1:11;.” ,, .;- ‘3 1‘ ‘ , 1, ,- 1,, a .. ,1 , V114 , u,.,,13. 1i. 1‘ -.‘~._,u 101-1. ‘ a m', 1.1. . ,“Wé‘m’mﬁw 11%.”:‘11‘24‘3? ":15 :‘o w-"KWHV ' :1: 111%?" c-r. ‘ .’ " '1’ 1’ 1 ' ~ ~'- 1 H, 1“»; 1, 1 1‘1 . ; :4 '.!1."‘.v"‘. 21, « ‘11“21'1. “1 M ‘4“ .. 1 ~ “-1 -' 11 .~.Ms‘.‘(r.5"‘-’~’ «with ,4‘ \ v ~ PM“, 11 . 1 $12-31, ,1. 1.41,.1 1‘1.~V . w. .«M 1, .' ~11 ., -, ,, .3” 1it.“inm1.11354-491311,33:51»was.1111%" WWMW .éw-éﬁmﬁt 11111;? "ié~m-r~'.wiww $1113.11"WWW?»11m (1:1 WM? 11‘. tertiatildar1111151'2“ 111118172: timrwwﬁms 111* . it «1,123,; 23131514111; €11 Wrimtmnwmnm Muww‘m M111 1'11 ,1 Friday, December 6 Thursday, December 12 Poetry Soetry, 7:30 p.m. , 1680 13.117, I Poetry Reading by Marge Pearcy, UCM Social ActionForum, Olive APt- 304- . ' 8p.m., 1914 Lounge, CWRU Stu— Tree, Open Poetry Reading, 8:30pm Afternoon — Inauguration workshop — dent Union. Party after at Radicals in the Professions Forum, for those home 111 Cleveland. 1" 11316 Hessler. Stanley‘ Aronowitz: ”Community A.M, - StateWide ,co-ordinating com— if; General Cleveland SDS Meeting ’ Control: A Role for the Profession— mittee for the inauguration, for 7p.m., CCC, Cougar's Den, f01_ a151,, H 1914 Lounge, CWRU Student places and times, call 321—7640. lowed by a party. Union. "Mark of Zorro”, Olde Mayfield Prof. F.B. Waisanen, “The Enclave: (Through Sunday) Escape or Entrapment”, Hatch Aud. , Monday, December 16 _ 8pm. There are only 35 days left until- -: Saturday, December 7 ”Son of the Sheik”-—Olde Mayﬁeld the inauguration. Save your "Lilies of the Field, 11 CWRU Ball- (Through Sunday) Pennies for Washington- room, 7 8: 9:30 p.m. Let us hope that 1971 is not as 1941 - was. - Friday, December 13 Tuesday, December 17 Stanley Aronowitz, ”New Roles for Draft Resistance Counseling, CWRU. Sunday, December 8 . . Health Professionals“, 12 Noon, Student UniOna Rm. 305, 7:30 p.m. .Women's Liberation Group, mea Rm. 348, CWRU School of Medi- There are only 14 days left until f 10822 Carnegie, Apt. 9 cine. New Year's Eve. Radicals in the Professions Work- "Tom JoneS”, Strosacker Aud. , » - . -< . .1 «a .. -. . .—. ‘2 - 1.. -. - 1.1». -1.-- .1. .. u a“ . :«1: .v u .,.~..;:1,- ..; w... z-x ,.-__1.-1,,_.qV-.. , ,j, . a4 4.1” _ .L: . . .1 .<; . r; ‘. ,,>.; -__ '1 3.11.4, .. 13h-_«'-.:"".—" :1 '.’ .- ,1... «.17 ,« 71" 1 ﬁts ... . .1 . 3""“‘.. 2 ~ 1:. . :s‘ _ lam... _ _. . 1._-". .' . ‘ “if: N...l.iiv_‘,".’.' 77.5 , , ,_ . 3.0. ,7... ". . a" .1. g .- . group, 7:30pm, Outpost 7:30 & 9:30 p.m. ,1 Poetry Society, 7:30pm, 1680 E. 117 "No Exit”, Cinema Now, Hatch Aud. , ’ 3,. Apt. 304 . 7:00 p.m. , Wednesday, December 18 }, UCM'Social Action Theatre Party. Newsreel Film of the Black Panthers, “Theology Of Revolution” Seminar, 3' ”Telemachus Clay", Tickets avail- CWRU, P.M., Call 631-7578 Olive Tree, 4 p.m. (Tentative) able from UCM. $11 50- Time, 7‘30 Trip to FORT KNOX", for‘information Now there are only 33 days left un— . call 421- 6084. (Weekend trip) til the inauguration. Better do Monday, December 9 V . . your thing ...... time is running ' ”Citizen Kane, 1' Schmitt Aud., 7 a Saturday» December 14 out‘ . 9:30 p.m. ”Farenheit 451M, CWRU Ballroom, CWRU SDS Meeting, 9:00 p.m. , Smoking demonstration, 1:00 p.m. , 7 8‘ 9:30 p. m. Student Union. American Cancer Society MDS Christmas Party, 1751 Bryn Mawr, Apt, 1, BYO, 8 P.M. Tuesday, December 10 . Thursday, December 19 1 G R O O V E Sunday, December 15 “Babes in Toyland”, Olde Mayfield. Radicals in the professions Work— Radicals in the Professions Forum, :1; Wednesday, December 11 group, Call 229-6791 for place. . "Radical Perspectus Of The Social 5 "Theology of Revolutiori' Seminar, Women's Liberation Group, 2p,m, , Work Field, ” 8:00 p.m. , 1914 Lounge Olive Tree, 4 pm. call 268—5131 for the place. CWRU, Student Union. CWRU SDS Meeting, 9:00 p-m- : Bach Aria Group, Severance Hall, Film at the WELL“ OUTPOST: 8‘30, . Student Union 8:30 p.m. Every Thursday. THE BIG US c/o Outpost 13037 Euclid Avenue East Cleveland, Ohio Telephone: 541—2444 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Students for a Democratic Society: Kent Description Includes leaflets, meeting agendas, event schedules, and a working sketch for Kent Students for a Democratic Society publication “Who Rules Kent?” Also included is an issue of The Big Us. Items date from 1968 and January of 1969. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 38 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Kenneth J. Hammond papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/kenneth-j-hammond-papers Permissions Copyright Cleared (NHPRC) dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1968 1969-01 Restrictions Issue of The Big Us at the end of the folder. DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Kenneth J. Hammond papers Subcollection Location Box 23 dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). SDS (Students for a Democratic Society) Flyers, Leaflets Student strikes Speeches, Lectures, Forums Kent State University. Black United Students May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/5bf3beb5665ef7b6672bb4eb77a7f654.tif 7c627bbce8bee484d9e30de5c667b6a1 PDF Text Text ' "m ”w” "MORE ON YOUTH MOVEMENT" by Jim Meiien from: New Left Notes, May 13, 1969 At the Austin NC, it became clear that important differences existed among the people who had supported the ‘Revolutionary Youth Movement’ proposal in Ann Arbor. For my part. I could not support the ‘May Day‘ resolution nor the ‘Schools Must Serve the People’ resolution. Further, an amendment that l opposed was made to the 'Sununer Program' proposal. It is difficult to tell how important these differences will be in the future or whether they will work themselves out in practice, but at this point it is clear that they are based on differing theoretical conceptions of US. society. Rather than go over the specific arguments on the pr0posals, I would like to discuss those theoretical conceptions. The points of difference fall into two broad groups: i) those concerning a class analysis of American society, and Ii) those concerning the specific nature of the crisis in capitalism in this period of history. I will deal with these two groups by laying out some of my own analysis as well as by discussing some questions that are raised in my mind about the subject. I hope this will provoke further discussion in New Left Notes. Class Analysis 1) Class Analysis of American Society. Marx's prophecy of the development of capitalist society into two classes, a large working class and a small ruling bourgeoisie, has nearly come true. Stated another way, the complete socialization of production and the concentration of production into the private ownership of a tiny number of people is very nearly complete in the USA. If class membership is determined by relationship to the means of production, in a Maridst fashion, then the vast majority of the people of this country, who own no means of production, and are forced to sell their labor power to someone who does, are members of the working class. This is not to ignore the vast differences among working people in terms of wages, working conditions and relative control over the work process. it is not to ignore the central fact of privilege which divides the masses of the working class and promotes false consciousness of particular interest as weed to general class interest. It is, rather, to point out that the socialization of the ownership and control of the means of production is in the objective class interests of the overwhelming majority of the people at this time—which is a radically different situation than has ever eidsted previously. The bourgeoisie, for its part, is divided into the large corporate (liberal) monOpoly bourgeoisie and the petit bourgeoisie, the latter of which is in our time very small and declining. If the bourgeoisie is defined as those who own and control means of production and who ‘ live by the exploitation of the labor of others, then the petit bourgeoisie is that group which employs and lives off small numbers of laborers. Throughout the development of capitalism, this petit bourgeoisie has seen its interests as opposed to the large bourgeoisie, whose developing monopolism threatens to wipe out the petit bourgeoisie as a class. The petit bourgeois consciousness has been an anti-monopolist consciousness. in this country, this group is almost entirely defeated. Mon0poly capitalism dominates almost all lines of production and the petit bourgeoisie are staging a small but futile resistance. When Wallace says that ‘pointy headed intellectuals in Washington think they can tell us how to live,‘ and that he would ”throw their briefcases into the Potomac,’ he is expressing the anti ~rmnopolist sentiment that exists. But it is clear that he cannot win without winning over a vast segment of the working class, which will, of course. require a great deal of duplicity. In the formal structure of 0.8. Government, drawn up two centuries ago, the petit bourgeoisie appear to have power disproportionate to their numbers or economic strength, especially at the local and Congressional levels. If one followed day-to—day politics in U.S. 'newspapers, he might be convinced that the petit bourgeoisie were indeed powerful. A sophisticated view of US. politics, however, would indicate that the important decisions are not made at these levels, but are made at the top by agents of monopoly power. In speaking of students, middle level management, highly skilled labor and professionals, many radicals would like to create a residual middle category and call it the petit bourgeoisie. First, this is a non-Marxist classification—- not being based on relationship to the means of production. Second, the ideology which characterizes these groups is certainly not petit bourgeois anti—monopolist consciousness, but (to the extent that it is not proletarian ideology) it is ruling class, monopolist (what has come to be called corporate liberal) ideology. Many radicals would also liketo use the terms “middle class’ to describe these groups. It is important to understand that the term “middle class” has little meaning in Marxist analysis. Marx himself was occasionally translated into English as saying that the petit bourgeois and professiohals were middle class (a better translation would be intermediate classes), but in the bulk of his analysis he very carefully delineated objective class position based upon relationship to the means of production. In this country, the vast majority of the people generally referred to as “middle class’ are objectively of the working class, and the socialization of the ownership and control of the means of production is objectively in their class interests. There is one further reason for discarding the term 'middle class.’. It tends to reinforce the notion put forward by liberal social scientists that this country has reached a period of calm based on an end of class antagonism. Since there is one big happy class which anyone, h‘om skilled worker to corporation executive, can be a member of, then there is no real reasonto struggle. There are, of course, petty differences and small problems, but nothing really to be excited about. certainly nothing to be violent about. Things can be worked out over coffee, downtown. This notion must besmashed. One way to begin to smash it is tobo clear about what class interests different people have. It does not help clarify objective interests when we use :iberal terminology which describes an invented class.’ Aside from the working class, the petit bourgeoisie and the monopoly bourgeoisie in the U.S., there are https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/de19bbd2a6b5df8617bfa2c15e72931d.tif dd12a3fb842c3d1ff1677b5cb399f27f PDF Text Text a small number of intermediate people, namely, self-employed professionals who live mainly off their own labor and not off labor that they hire. The class position and resulting ideology of these people is admittedly‘confused, but today they are a very small group. In addition, it must be understood that increasing numbers of professionals are not self-employed, but work for wages in law firms, clinics, and other large institutions. (Correspondingly, it should be recognized that mpetit bourgeois merchants and others have mitigated their class position through franchise and other arrangements which leave them as mere agents of monopoly capital.) Black Vanguard Alter pointing to the objective class position of most Americans, it is important to speak to the question of privilege. The central fact of privilege within the American class structure is nowhere more clearly seen than in the oppressim of the black nation within the borders oi the U.S. Thefact of systematic preferential treatment of white workers over black and the resulting better conditions of white workers lay a material basxs for a feeling that black workers threaten white privilege—and the resulting racist ideology which is fostered by that feeling of threat. This is the most important-way in which the U.S. working class is divided and weakened. TWO things result: 1) The participation by white workers in the oppression of the black nation gives an anti—colonial aspect—in addition to the working—class aspect—to the struggle for black liberation. Fighting white supremacy is our first task. These two conditions, in addition to the high level of consciousness and mllitancy of the black colony, mean that at our point in history the black liberation struggle is the vanguard of the working class movement. One of the reasons for the confusion in class analysis which many radicals experience is the failure to distinguish between objective class position and prospects for the development of consciousness. That many (a majority) of our people are objectively of the working class does not necessarily mean that they will immediately become conscious of their class interests. The privileges that some workers have achieved are impediments to the development of working class consciousness and class solidarity. But these privileges in no way change objective class interests. Privileged workers under capitalism can never acquire wages equal to their productivity and can never gain enough control over their lives and the productive forces to be able to avoid alienated labor as long as capitalism mdsts. The factors which determine the development of class consciousness and of the need for revolutionary socialism are the subject of a separate analysis. Marx and, especially, Lenin argued that the vanguard in the development of class consciousness would be the industrial workers in the large consolidated and rationalized manufacturing industries. This was for various reasons. Mainly, the need for cooperation and organization in the productive process of such plants— which was uncommon in capitalist society of that day-meant that these workers had a greater organizational ability and consciousness of the need for cooperation. (One thing must be clear. .Marx and Lenin never argued that these workers would be in the vanguard because they were the most oppressed. They were certainly not the most oppressed and, further, the most oppressed are not always the most conscious of their oppression and of the revolutionary alternatives.) Marx and Leann Were pron/en correct by the Russian workers in the factories in Petrograd and Moscow who led the Russian Revolution. - Today, almost everyone in society works in a productive process involving a sophisticated division of labor. Further, the industrial workers in the MS. have undergone a peculiar experience of relative success 13 organizing for and achieving higher wages and near failure in the development of the consciousness of a political role for the working class. The process by which the C10 was built and then emasculated and turned into an imperialist front should be the subject of great study by the left. What is clear is that a deal of sorts was struck between the labor bosses and the ruling class that 1) no communists would be allowed in union leadership, 2) C10 unions would assist imperialism in every way possible, including the fostering of anti -corrununist ideology, and 3) organized workers in U.S. factories would (for awhile, anyway) be allowed certain gains in real wages (crumbs from the imperialisttable, as Lenin put it) which would hopefully lay the material basis for support of the system. The effect of this bribery is a subject of great debate, but it is clear that class consciousness among U.S. workers is lower than almost anywhere in the world. Need for Theory We need a theory which will help us understand which segments of the working class can develop class consciousness and lead the rest. It is not enough merely to say that some segments of the working class are 4 necessary to the construction of socialism—as surely the industrial workers are--—but some reason must be offered as to why that segment is likely to break out of ~the mystiflcation and particularism in which it is now bogged down. What can be clearly seen in U.S. society today is that a vanguard role in developing worldng class consciousness (at least to the very primitive extent to which it is developing at all) is being played primarily by the blacks, as well as the youth. Many of the industrial labor struggles today are an extension of the black cemmunity's struggle for self—determination into the factories. To answer the question of the U.S. working class requires an analysis and an argument. To continue irrationally to insist on the vanguard role of factory workers in our changed circumstances is mere assertion of orthodoxy, and not an argument. For our part, SDS has committed itself to the development of ‘ a Revolutionary Youth Movement. In the present transitional period, we intend to organize among youth, penetrate the working class as much as possible with revolutionary ideas, and develop our analysis concerning who will be the vanguard of the working class. The revolutionary youth movement proposal was conceived of as a' transitional strategy for the development of a specifically working class movement. It recommends the transcendence of SDS from a radical students organization to a class conscious movement of the youth of the entire working class. It is distinguished from the Worker-Student Alliance by its recognition of revolutionary youth as a part of the working class. Position of Youth In this context, before turning to the nature of capitalist crisis in our time, it is necessary to discuss the class position of youth and especially students. The overwhelming majority of American youth (say 18—24) are students, soldiers and unemployed. Also, the overwhelming majority come from working class backgrounds—no matter how comfortable, mystified, or bourgeois an ideology they may have. The overwhelming majority, further, are destined for jobs and positions within society which are securely within the working class -no matter how conscious they are of the privileges their specific future positions offer. I would argue, however, that what gives speciﬁc class content to the struggles of youth—in the' schools and in the army specifically—- is the proletarianization of the roles youth play in those institutions. In the army, coerced though he may be to join and intangible though his product may be, the soldier provides https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/67b838c76fb335f7858f8d3949559ae4.tif 0fdec44b741c9391146ed6895c8e13f0 PDF Text Text a very n >cessary labor for capitalism --no different than any other service labor. in the schools, the training of labor which cannot be done by individual capitalists, is done by that agent of monopoly , capital—the state. The student, by studying, creates value within himself in the form of skilled labor power, and in so doing performs an rexploited and alienated labor. The nature of the specific labor of the studs gives his struggles to control or cl. .ge the conditions of that labor a cla 5 content. The struggles of students to break out of their alienated labor and destroy the class institutions in which they endst are part of the class struggle. Some argue that students are intellectuals in the classic sense that Lenin and Mao conceived of revolutionary intellectuals imbuing the masses with the idea of socialism. It must be understood that Lenin and Mao were Writing about societies more than 80% illiterate. Students then participated in more mass communications and were able to carry ideas from one sector to another. The student today is in a totally different role. All of society is literate and heavily saturated with mass communications. The student is merely a worker in training and is as mystified as the general population. Besides, anyone who has any experience in our organization knows that it is not .an intellectual movement and does not pretend to be. Others argue that when itudents support workinchlass struggles they are working class, and when they do not, they are not. This garbles the entire analysis. The class content of the students’ struggle is determined by their objective class position. This 'does not mean there is never any false consciousness. Clearly, the demand for student power is analogous to the skilled workers’ struggle to protect privileges—say to constrict access to the skill in keeping out blacks. This kind of struggle for protection of privilege must be opposed. But neither the student seeking student power nor the skilled worker seeking exclusion is thereby outside the working class—- he is struggling for a particular, rather than class, interest. based on a false consciousness. To overcome this false consciousness it is necessary to continue to raise issues concerning the most oppressed sectors of the working class—especially the Vietnamese and the blacks—and to emphasize that their struggle is the same one. \ Crisis of Capitalism II) TheNature of 'the Current Crisis in Capitalism. The classical Mandst “concept of capitalist crisis was based upon a system. of competitive capitalism, in which a large number of small -. capitalists were competing with one another on the basis of price. The basic contradiction of capitalism—that between the price of labor and its productivity—manifested itself at the level of the whole economy as a total production of goods produced by labor greater than the demand for the goods based on the wages paid to labor. This contradiction could be forestalled as a crisis by investment inproduction of machines which produce goods, but this only led to a greater productivity of labor and thereby a greater crisis. Periodically, this crisis led to a depression in which the weaker firms were either bought out or failed altogether and production 'was consolidated into fewer hands. Marxists argued that this would lead to succeedingly -more severe crises leading to the eventual breakdown of capitalism. In this model, the struggle of workers over their wages and working conditions was central to the crisis. Demands for higher wages related directly to the capitalists' competitive position. The crisis 'in capitalism, then, manifested itself at the point of production.- Two things developed out of competitive capitalism: the system of monopoly capitalism and imperialism. The concentration of production into fewer and fewer hands means that competition in terms of price has nearly been eliminated. Monstrous firms, then, have no longer the problem of cutting costs in order to remain competitive. On the contrary, cutting costs while maintaining price means merely the expansion of profit margins, resulting in huge amounts of surplus capital requiring absorption in new investment outlets. In addition, wage demands by workers can be passed on to consumers by monopolies as price increases. The result is that a general increase in the money wages of the whole working class means only a general price increase and no increase in real wages. In this situation, the specific crisis of monopoly capitalism manifests itself not at the point of production but in ,ever increasing amounts of surplus capital requiring investment outlets. The manner and form of the absorption of this capital surplus is what gives character to the crisis of our society. Vast investments in the production of military hardware and research, combined with imperialism’s need to create a world—wide repressive military network, have resulted in the development of a 'mllitary-industrial complex within the ruling class which continues to waste resources and forge a militarized, authoritarian regimen. Vast investments in the system of higher education, provide military research, produce a highly sldlled labor force, and defer the entrance rif- ‘i surplus labor into the labor force. The draft, the tracking system and other instruments of channelling force the young people into these institutions, where they suffer severe alienation. The youth rebellion stems from these conditions. The increasingly high ratio of capital to labor means that'less unskilled labor '- is required and a large section of the working class, mainly black, is perpetually unemployed. The containment of this surplus labor in ghettoes is a result- i Since investments in social services and welfare do not produce the return or the accelerator effect on the economy of military hardware investments, many social institutions are starving for funds. The school Systems, welfare systems, distribution systems, medical care, transportation systems, etc. of the large cities are nearing collapse, and severe social strains result. Rebellion among the masses of‘urban dwellers is only barely repressed. The driving thrust of imperialism to control and develop suitable investment opportunities means a steadily deteriorating quality of eidstence for the workers of the whole world—and the struggles against that thrust do not occur mainly at the point of production." The struggle of Third World peoples for liberation is primarily a nationalist struggle—and it occurs primarily as a military struggle. The struggle of blacks for liberation in this country is also a nationalist struggle, and is, led primarily not by blacks wh_o are industrial workersL but by the street people, unstable Workers that Panthers refer to as ‘field niggers.’ For the youth of the mother country, the class- struggle manifests itself around issues like the draft, the ruling class uses of the university, police and other agents of the ruling class for social control. Throughout society, institutions designed to stabilize and serve capitalism are breaking down, and struggle ensues. If the breakdown of the U.S. capitalist system is not necessarily going to come as a huge depression but as a gradual deterioration of the social structure, then our revolutionary movement must be prepared for the eventuality, not just of a general strike, but of agradual raising of the level of struggle around various issues resulting in a general protracted civil war_'. Dogmatic applications of Maradsm to‘ the U.S_. make two important errors: 1) They attribute to the struggle of industrial labor a centrality to the class struggle, or worse, they say that only industrial labor stnlggles are the class struggle. Since industrial labor is only a segment of the broader working class and since it is not yet playing a vanguard role in the class struggle, a proper perspective on labor struggles https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/03d3f2f99b6b4cdcb40ab720617963b4.tif 67d2d5368d3e44a487d2756ffb9140c5 PDF Text Text requires that they be seen as onlyone front on which we are fighting. What we need is an analysis and an argument concerning what sectors, of the total working class can develop consciousness and lead the rest. 2) Dogmatic applications of Marxism to the U.S. also {all to attribute to the struggles of youth a slgrdflcant class content. When youm Sup_;.0rt the struggle of the C Vietnarriese and the blacks and sirnultancon.:s.y fight the class nature of the schmls, they are waging class war. When they do not wage these struggles, they impede the class struggle. Any ‘ argument that students can struggle only on ice basis at their immediate \ needs for an improved education—mm \ the implication that when the struggle moves bGEOﬂd anti~imperialism to the construction of socialism itself, the students will have no further progressive role to play and must yield to the industrial workers—is based on re faulty class analysis and a faulty understahdhig of capitalist crisis in our time. NOTES ON CLASS ANALYSIS: SOME IMPLICATIONS FOR THE REVOLUTIONARY YOUTH MOVEMENT By Les Coleman Chicago Regional SDS I. The Main Goal of the Revolutionary Youth Movement As practice in different parts of the country develops differently, varying conceptions of the Revolutionary Youth Movement will emerge. As a result, it is necessary to try to formulate again and again the main tasks of our move- ment and gain perspective on each new development. Basically, in first formulating the Revolutionary Youth Movement, we knew that I) the class structure of this country was obscured by the developments of imperialism and 2) that we had to find ways to unite the mass of people behind proletarian leadership and the guidance of a communist party against the imperialists. We were faced with the undeniable problem that U.S. imperialism, in its basic economic structure and superstructure, had obscured the class interest of millions of workers, particularly white workers, in this country. No matter how mil- itant, these workers sided with the imperialists against the black liberation struggle and the whole international liber- ation movement. They had accepted the internal fight against the development of a communist party as their own. Our task was —- and is -- to develop a force which can help to seed on anti-imperialist movement among the mass of people and especially among the mass of working people who must lead that movement. Where possible this force must aid in the building of the communist party that can guide this movement to victory and to socialism. We suggested that this force could come partially from a movement of youth. All youth are obiecfively oppressed by the crisis in imperialism -- in the schools, the army, on the iab and by the police and the courts —- and many can be wan to the fight for socialism. A mass of youth can be involved and this is a step in building a material fighting'farce against the imperialists. We believed that this youth movement could recruit more and more youth from working class backgrounds and that this could help to spread the anti—imperialist movement among the mass of people. EEI'IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIBIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII'IIIIIIII'IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII'IIII'II' EThe point is that the "relationship to the means of production" is Eparticular as well as general. It is not just owning it or not owning sit, a much more particular analysis tells that different sectors of the population can be wan to the revolutionary cause in different Eways and to different extents. . ‘IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIlIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII 6 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/d858591a91efefef1fe42328b0b2f528.tif 146f9ebf600771bb85259c6f3583f35c PDF Text Text We determined to reach out to high schools and iunior colleges where more youth from working class backgrounds were and to recruit youth from the shops and communities. At the same time we would continue to expand and heighten our militant confrontations against the racist, imperialist involvement of the major universities. We enunciated clearly that leadership in the development of a strong anti—imperialist movement with communist leadership must come from both the black and brown population because of the dual nature of their oppression: they are both colonized as a peo- ple "outside" of the white imperialist nation, like the Vietnamese, and they are exploited as workers inside this white imperialist nation along side workers of other national origins. The Revolutionary Youth Movement has already shown its potential for developing loath as a material fighting force and as a force to extend the anti—imperialist movement to the mass of people. But we must become clearer on the divisions among the people and on who are our friends and who are our enemies. ll. On the Class Basis of this Decadent, Racist, lmperialist Society A class analysis has two tasks: The first step in a class analysis is to understand the antagonism of the two basic classes: capitalist and worker. The second, more difficult step is to develop a comprehensive analysis of all classes and class segments in U.S. society. An understanding of their economic interrelationships will indicate the ex- tent of their revolutionary development and potential, and will reveal their relative importance to the success of the revolution. This understanding must come from experience in working and struggling with the peoplewho make up a particular class, and from study of the inner workings of American corporate capitalism. --Red Papers, from the Bay Area Revolutionary Union There are some who would have us believe that, at least in the United States, the second task is made easy, even redun— dant, for us, because all classes and sectors of classes have been brought to conform to the basic antagonism between the two main classes: capitalist and worker. The task that follows from this analysis would seem to be to win everyone to the view that socialism is in their obiective interest; but the analysis doesn't begin to tell us how that "winning" can take place. Let me give an example of this way of looking at things: Marx's prophecy of the development of capitalist society into two classes, a large working class and a small ruling bourgeoisie, has nearly come true. Stated another way, the complex socialization of pro- duction and the concentration of production into the private ownership of a tiny number of people is very nearly complete in the USA. If class membership is determined by relationship to the means of production, in a Marxist fashion, then the vast majority of the people of this country, who own no means of production, and are forced to sell their labor power to someone who does, are members of the work- . ing class. "Jim Mellen, NLN, May l3 (See preceding selection.) This merging of the two tasks of class analysis (the particular and the general) leads us to further conclusions: lt is, rather, to point out that the socialization of the ownership and control of the means of production is in the obiective class interests of the overwhelming maiority of the people at this time -- which is a radically different situation than has ever existed previously. —-lbid. According to this view the petit bourgeoisie has almost entirely dissolved into the proletariat which is opposed antagon- istically to a small monopoly bourgeoisie which it will soon destroy once it gets through the privileges which are thrown like crumbs from the table to divide the proletariat amongst itself. And the mass of students, soon, will be off to the races too, since they are obiectively members of the proletariat as well: i The student, by studying, creates value within himself in the form of skilled labor power, and in so do- ing performs an exploited and alienated labor. --lbid. (ls the baby creating surplus value in itself when it is drinking milk?) And then . . . The class content of the students struggle is determined by their obiective class position. lbid. (ln the proletariat!) 7 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/b367ec7a7ad543cda0a0c970eae7ae0e.tif 6f55787e3e0895fc2af693d956ff02bb PDF Text Text Perhaps this is a creative use of Marxist analysis. It sure is mystifying in the light of the realities of the population of this country. What it lacks is an understanding of any particular realities. Let me quote from Mao on dogmatism: Our dogmatists are lazy-bones. They refuse to undertake any painstaking study of concrete things, they regard general truths as emerging from out of the void, they turn them into purely abstrqct Formulas, and thereby completely deny and reverse the normal sequence by which man comes to know the truth . . . They understand nothing of the Marxist theory of knowledge. "On Contradiction Dogmatism. But it is dogmatism which can lead to one of two very dangerous ways of looking at things. The first says, pragmatically, that since everyone is in the proletariat and socialism is in their obiective interests, we must simply mo- bilize that group which will move to the highest stage of struggle (armed struggle) and the rest of the people will follow this example. Since this way of thinking has taken no account of the mass of the people, it does not interest itself in preparing the people to understand the necessity of these struggles. lt does not interest itself in serving the people in their struggles for survival and winning the people to the necessity of revolution. The mass of people (of American people) have no understanding of what these actions are about and deem them anarchisz—The revolutionary gain is slight and the damage great. This is the line of all struggle and no unity. The second tendency is all unity and no struggle. This is the line of revisionists like the CP who unite with all strug— gles, don't care who is in the leadership, never raise the necessity of armed struggle and revolution and fail altogether to serve the interests of the proletariat. in fact they often lose the respect of the people because they will not fight when it is necessary and they never provide the example of struggle that is the job of revolutionaries. As the first is adventurism, so the second is opportunism. But =oath tendencies are supported by the "two class" analy- sis because neither knows anything about the particular interests of the people; what they can be wan to and against; who are the friends and who are the enemies of the revolution and the‘anti—imperialist struggle. To steer a correct course between these mistakes we have to look more closely at the class structure of the U.S. and pay more attention to the mass of people. Although I can't claim to know the theory, to have mastered the data or had the necessary practice to make a total class analysis, it seems necessary to have some overall class picture of this monster to develop correct strategy and tactics for our movement. As a starting point, trying to use our common sense and analyzing our limited practice, we can make a few preliminary divisions. i. We know there exists a group of monopoly capitalists -- their interests are international as much as national -- and they are the most powerful group in the country since their control of the means of production and of the state is most extensive and absolute. They are the main criminals of imperialism. Their number is relatively small, and they are an unhealthy, ulcer~ridden and sexless lot of people. They are the upper bourgeoisie. (Kill a few, get a little satisfac- tion; kill some more, get some more satisfaction; but kill them all, get complete satisfaction.) 2. Secondly, we have the middle bourgeoisie. They are small capitalists, upper level managerial men and women who own large quantities of stock, going down to relatively small businessmen who control small enterprises. This is a mixed bag. Many of their interests profit from and are linked in tightly with the monopolists, the leaders of the bourgeoisie, but many are in competition with the monopolists and are hurt by them: either squeezed out by the me- thods of monopoly or hurt by the crisis in imperialism which they see the monopolists as leading us into. This is a fair- . ly large group of fiends who are out for nobody but themselves in spite of the fact of a very,very small few of the dis- illusioned who may be a source of limited funds for the movement. Some of them may side eventually with the "in— name-only" anti—imperialist forces but will oppose communist leadership of that anti-imperialist political force. A few, perhaps, who are really under the squeeze of monopoly may be won over, at least temporarily. 3. The petit bourgeoisie -- the lowest segments of the bourgeoisie. This is the most confusing category of all. It is not simply determined by that group I'which employs and lives off small numbers of laborers. " For instance, Mao inclu- ded in the petit bourgeoisie of China in the '20's "the owner—peasants, the master handicraftsmen, the lower levels of the intellectuals, students, primary and secondary school teachers. “ At the most general, Marx treats this class as an intermediate class, caught between the class conflict of capitalist and worker. in getting down to the specific base or more particular characterizations, Marx uses such distinctions as labor which creates surplus value and labor which re- alizes surplus value for the capitalists, placing people of the second category in the intermediate classes. 8 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c91804d8a852c3bb7788c219dcfd9d97.tif a4e723bc23a7f448b5f4f248b8f9af36 PDF Text Text it is clear that as it takes fewer and fewer workers to produce what capitalism needs then there will be i) a growing number of people who are unemployed or marginally unemployed and 2) a growing number of people who have iobs in such areas as marketing, management, etc. We must know much more specifically how this second group can~be wan to the leadership of the proletariat against imperialism. We do not have a very clear idea now, but let me sketch out a few nations in dealing with the petit bourgeoisie. Many of the conclusions of this whole class analysis may be wrong but at this stage in our development it seems more important to put forth preliminary ideas and be prepared to admit that they are wrong than not to say anything at all. ' - The first section of the petit bourgeoisie consists of people who own enough stock or property to carry them through with— out working for a'period. Many of them have been forced I'down'I by the rest of the bourgeoisie and are bitter. They are mostly white. Except for a few renegades they want desperately to be members of the bourgeoisie, cling to their comforts, hate communism and the spectre of the working class, especially the black working class and the black col- ony. Even so, in a broad fight against the monopolists some of them could be won to working class leadership. The second section of the petit bourgeoisie, probably, consists of those who are generally self-supporting; they manage filling stations, motels, super-markets, small shops, etc. This includes some small farmers although many small farmers should be put in the first section. A small percentage is black or brown. Many of these can be won to revolutionary leadership against city and state-wide monopoly interests which are making it increasingly hard for them to survive. If they cannot run their businesses day to day they have little or nothing to fall back on. Many are forced to take wage labor jobs on the side, or from time to time. The third section of the petit bourgeoisie is the largest in this country, and, probably, that the world has ever known. Here are included professionals, lawyers, teachers, social workers, highly skilled technicians, engineers, some state employees, etc. A small number are black or brown —- very small, in spite of what the ruling class would have us be- lieve. These men and women do work for a salary in most cases but their standard of living is declinding and the drud- gery and monotony of their iobs is alienating them from the system. They can be won to an anti—imperialist movement and many can be ,won quickly to the concepts and means of socialism. Among this third section of "working people" are jobs with greater and less socialization. This third section will undoubtedly grow more and more as it takes fewer and fewer workers to produce under the system of capitalism and more and more workers to market and do the business of the state. ‘ llllllllllllllll Ingllgnupnlnnllu Illll In Illlllllllllllllllllll unm I'lglllll u nun nnnnurlun uuuluuu Marx uses suc distinctions as a or w ic creates surplus va ue an a or w ic rea izes surp us va ue for the: lclxll lintlg'listl’shpl'qp'ing'Beagle.p'f'Itlhe'isecond cate or in the intermediate classes. . - IIIIIIIIIIIII III IIII'IIIIIII.III'llIIIIIIIIIIIII!II|I|I3IIIIIIIII'IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII" Many of these workers, because of the socialized nature of their iobs are future "gravediggers of capitalism " along with the proletariat, butthere tend to be maior differences among them. Government workers tend to be very loyal to the government or very disaffected. Some professionals are loyal to their companies, some see themselves as very independent. On the whole, it is a very dangerous grouping which we must work with carefully, but which can be won to the leadership of the proletariat if the cause is broadly anti—imperialist. Because of their greater independence (coming from their different relationship to the means of production than the proletariat's) they will be more difficult to win to the dictatorship of the proletariat, or even to a disciplined proletarian movement and army. Many college students and iunior college students are destined for this section of the petit bourgeoisie and can be iden- tified as having the same wide diversity of interests and loyalties. Of course most youth come from working class back- grounds and because of the special question of youth created in this last dying phase of imperialism, even a larger sec- tor of such students can be won quickly to the struggle against imperialism and the leadership of the proletariat. , 4. The proletariat includes 'the bulk of wage workers in the communications, transportation and production industries. . it includes sections of service industries (like hospital workers, non-professionals) and clerical workers. A great part of these workers are black or brown. These are men and women, the greatest single class in the society and the world, who work each day selling their labor power in return for the necessities of life, and who own practically nothing and yet who prodUCe the wealth of the whole society. Their wages are as a whole low, taxes hit hardest on them (including the’ blood tax for imperialist wars), and they have the least stake in the companies they work for. Their basic interest , lies in an immediate end to the imperialist system and the institution of the dictatorship of the proletariat. We know that many of these workers, especially white workers, are not class conscious and are not the moving force of the anti-imperialist struggle at present. Our task is not to look elsewhere than the proletariat for the base of our movement but to root out the obstructions to the creation of a vanguard among workers. One thing should be cleared up: it is not that we, or Marx or Lenin certainly, see the proletariat as a "vanguard in the development of class can- sciousness". The point is that the working class has the primary organizational role in the struggle -- after it has been won ideologically and politically. 9’ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ebc7da4c5221fcf5764258757a921ee5.tif fec9dee453b86f54a9ebdc28d880401c PDF Text Text Let ms quote C.V. Lydegraf on the reasons why we must work for the "creation of a vanguard movement among indus- mg: workers (but not excluding very strategic roles from communications, service, intellectual workers and workers in Liniiorm.)n a. To expedite the most speedy and efficient and thorough defeat and dismemberrnent of the institutions and mechanism of the system of imperialism by a force which can also supply and nourish the people's army and help deliver blows at the strategic times and places. ' b. The only organized force ready and able to begin to build up the material base of the new life as well as ultimately its superstructure are the workers -- when the old has been cleared away, construc- tion follows. c. When won to revolutionary consciousness -— to the ideas of Marx-Lenin—Mao -- workers both indus- trial and others become a vanguard not only in constructing the new life, but in resisting the restoration of old ideas and old classes. (from a letter, C. V. Lydegraf) There are several maior diVisions among the proletariat which are responsible for, in great part, the general-lack of class consciousness at this period; the divisions between skilled and unskilled, the division between men and women and the divisions between white and black and brown, a division which is symptomatic of the maior division between American workers and the workers of the world. Black people, Chicanos, Puerto—Ricans, American Indians and Asian Americans: these people have de- veloped historically as internal colonies of the United States, embody elements of both the external and internal struggle against the U.S. ruling class -- on the one hand, the struggle of the colonized people of the world, on the other hand, the struggle of the U. S. working class against monopoly capitalists. —- _Red Papers , from the Bay Area Revolutionary Union The division is between workers who are colonized and exploited, workers who belong to oppressed nations, and workers who are simply exploited and have developed, through the growth of imperialist education, militarization, and trade un- ions, in more or less allegiance to the oppressor nation. This division is the cutting edge of the proletariat. The strug- gles for national liberation that have grown up among black and brown people in this country are now being carried into the heart of the population: in the schools, the workplace, the communities. Here black and brown anti-imperialist leadership challenges the white national chauvinism of the white workers and forces them to see their own interest in opposition to the imperialist nation and the capitalist system which oppresses them. ' The black and brown proletariat are thus expressing most clearly the proletarian interest of the whole proletariat. It is this leadership which must be now the vanguard of the developing anti-imperialist movement if imperialism is to be de- feated and the dictatorship of the proletariat established. There are two sectors of the proletariat about which people have become particularly confused: aristocracy of labor and sub-proletariat. There has traditionally existed within this country, and still does, a sector of the proletariat dominated by the trade unions and the skilled trades within the industrial unions. Because this sector has closed its doors to the struggles of other workers, for its own material benefit, and is the basis of much corrupt sell-out union leadership, it is called the aristocracy of labor. lt is not a greatly expanding category but must be seen as the enemy in the fight against reac- tionary unionism. ' Secondly, there has been much talk of a "lumpen-proletariat". It makes more sense I think to divide that large sector of unemployed, marginally employed, people on welfare, state aid, etc. into two chief divisions. The first is the lumpen: a class of criminals, semi-criminals and men and women who live off fellow workers. The second division is of those who are literally forced out of work or for whom there is no employment. In this sector of the proletariat we see the picture of this racist, decadent society the clearest. _ As fewer and fewer people are needed to produce what is necessary for the life of the whole country a complicated "tracking system " comes into play. Black and brown youth,plus some white youth from more oppressed proletarian backgrounds, are kept out of the higher levels of education, forced into military service for the monster and then many are left in unemployment. As unemployed or partially employed, they represent a reserve labor force which is used as a threat to the iobs and wages of the employed. In this way a massive sub-proletariat has been created which is primar- ily black and brown and is most clearly seen in poor rural areas and in the ghettos of the big cities. 10 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/6c9ec1da8fdad91276b80de8816354ec.tif 4abf7e76db5259e39a8f9144dca64be0 PDF Text Text We are already seeing that this second section of the sub—proletariat along with a few individuals from the lumpen, are the basis for a revolutionary movement of black liberation. Because these men and women are employed from time to time and are so close to the working proletariat the struggles in this sector are soon carried into the whole proletariat. We may argue endlessly whether such and such a group of professionals or white collar .workers is in the petty bour— geoisie, third section, second seat -- or in the proletariat. That is not the point. The point. is that the "relationship to the means of production" is particular as well as general. It is not just owning it or not owning it, a much more par- ticufar analysis tells that different sectors of the population can be won to the revolutionary cause in different ways and to different extents. On examing the realities, we see there are "middle classes " with varying relations and atti— tudes. We see also the key role of the proletariat if it is won politicall and the leading role that black and brown workers are playing because of the national character of their struggle, which in fact, is international in so far as it attacks U.S. imperialism. ' Much more practice and data must be developed before we can make a more accurate class analysis in this way. The more our class analysis advances the more certain we will be in our direction. But even these few outlines can help put the youth movement in perspective. ill. The Revolutionary Youth Movement and the Struggle against Imperialism The principal contradiction in the world today is between U.S. imperialism and the oppressed peoples of the world. That means we must unite all classes and sectors of classes that can be united to deal blows, weaken and eventually destroy imperialism. At the same time, we have to win the proletariat to the anti-imperialist movement because it is the key force in destroying imperialism and in building socialism. Finally, we must try to help build open communist leadership in the anti—imperialist struggle. This is the task of today: Build a communist movement and make the anti—imperialist movement understandable to all those who can be won to it. To make it understandable and recruit to it we must take this anti-imperialist movement to the iust struggles of the people the way the people see and shape their struggles at this period. E?l 'IIIIIIIIIIIII’IIIII IIIII! ’IIIIIIIIIIIISIIII!IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIUIIIIIIIIIII _ e must continue t e mi Itant organization of youth from all class backgrounds Eagainst imperialism , _ E EﬂlllllllIIIIIIIIIIIHIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII'lllllllllllllllllllIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII it is in this context that we approach the special question of youth. There has always been a special question around youth, in that party cadre and the people's army are primarily recruited from youth. But-in the U.S. today youth takes ' on a new aspect due to the great numbers of people under 25 and the effects on youth of the present crisis in U.S. imper- ialism. The schools are crumbling and becoming more jail—like, more youth are denied employment, almost all young men face unjust military service in a decaying army, and the police and courts are moving to deal with youth who are reacting to the iniustice and inadequacies of the system. A new combination of mass base and cadre is possible among youth -- a highly conscious and yet sizeable fighting force. This Revolutionary Youth Movement can achieve its goal of seeding a full scale anti-imperialist movement and aiding in the developing of a proletarian army in ways that youth and young intellectuals in past revolutionary struggles could not. The Revolutionary Youth Movement can be a material fighting force in the struggles against im— perialism now and through their struggles educate the people to the nature of imperialism and the possibility of strug- gling against it. This was the concept of the Revolutionary Youth Movement: building that force under the leadership of the black and brown movements and recruiting ever more deeply from youth of more oppressed backgrounds. Now we can lay down a few guidelines and principles of struggle from our class analysis. The Revolutionary Youth Movement must not only expand to include working class youth, it must take on the struggles . of the working people against imperialism —- e.g. fights against bosses, sell—out unions, exploitative busineSSmen, ci- ty government, landlords and the pigs. it must bring its internationalism, its support of national liberation struggles, to the specific class struggles of the people against their immediate oppressors. This is one of our key tasks, finding the roads to the working class, to win them to the anti-imperialist movement, but not our only task. We must continue the militant organization of youth from all class backgrounds against imperialism; we must continue to build massive confrontation against the agencies of military suppression and economic exploitation of third world countries and the internal colonies of this country; we must raise the slogan "get out of Vietnam" in a new way *— with a strategy to make it operative —- and rally all sectors of the population around it that we can. We should realize that the leading role of the proletariat in that anti—imperialist movement is now being played by the black and brown movements, and the movement against the war must go hand in hand with the- movement to stop the I t ‘ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1754a3515be2a9ba4854b080a219ecdf.tif a91ccb6ea0ae66d4c75645fd90003605 PDF Text Text war , “awn-VWF-‘m. repression of black and brown people. Our response to repression must not be to stop our efforts to reach out to the mass of the people. We cannot harden ourselves with whomever will join us and stop our mass work. When the man comes down with armed assault on our movement, as in Berkeley, or Greensboro, we must fight back in whatever ways we can prepare ourselves to fight back. The people will surely see the justice in our actions if we are directing our struggles towards reaching the mass of peo— ple and winning them to our side. - Let me stress emphasis on four major areas of work: 1. While maintaining and building our movement on the major campuses, we must move more and more into working class high schools and junior colleges, fighting against the class and colonial functions of the schools. Our programs for all the schools should reflect the attempt of the whole youth movement to take on the schools by raising the demands of those hardest hit, the most oppressed. 2. More and more we should link directly with community struggles against universities, hospitals, urban renewal. and the pig. Linking up with community youth, we must bring forth clearly our anti-imperialist perspective as we fight to serve the people in these community struggles. The community movement —- especially community youth —- should be fighting as a single movement with students against schools and universities. 3. We should place more emphasis on reaching into the military. The brothers in our movement should stop talking about organizing the military and go in. ‘ 4. Where possible, we should try to reach out to more young workers on the job. Many of us leaving school should plan to take jobs permanently among the proletariat. The Revolutionary Youth Movement must actively seek black and brown leadership as well as leading its own fights against white supremacy. Revolutionary black and brown leadership does exist and the only reason not to concretely link our movement to it is a left-over racism and petty bourgeois arrogance and individualism. We must stop seeing the Revolutionary Youth Movement as a white movement -- it is already directly led by black and brown youth in the schools, in the communities, and in the factories. ‘ Finally, we must take more seriously the job of becoming communists. We must be clearer why we are communists —- through study and practice -— and we must be more open about communism to the people we work with, winning them to socialism whenever we can. 12 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1052eb30f1edda58025884c675abd225.tif e95977acc1e1a2c43d33f7a89781b83a PDF Text Text REVOLUTIONARY YOUTH MOVEMENT H (RYM H) by Mike Klonsky, Noel ignotin, Marilyn Kotz, Sue Eonet, and Les Coleman We are offering these theses as background for the Revolutionary Youth Movement II resolution for two reasons. First, it is necessary that we all beglnto discuss and clarify the fundamental principles of the whole anti-imperialist struggle. And it is necessary that we try and specify what principles are operative in the strategies and programs we see presented for the youth movement. These theses, for example, seem to the writers of the resolution to be the principles on which it is based. That is the first reason: principles out front. The second reason for presenting them, as background, is that we didn't feel this convention should pass such a perspective without having discussed it beforehand in the organization as a whole. Uneven education is the real basis of undemocratic organization and it would be nothing but opportunism to try and push through a perspective that has not been adequately discussed in the organization. MAIN PRINCIPLES OF THE ANTI-IMPERIALIST STRUGGLE 1. Present-day U.S. capitalism, like capitalism in general, is based on the exploitation of labor, that is, the appropriation by the capitalist of the total product of labor, including that surplus beyond what is necessary to replace the money he has laid out for wages (the purchase of labor power). 2. The U. S. is in the imperialist stage of capitalism, the highest and last stage. The replacement of free competition by‘ monopoly, the central feature of imperialism, has long been a fact of life inthe U.S. In addition, the other distinguishing features of imperialism—the merger of bank and industrial capital to form an oligarchy of finance capital, the rise in the export of capital as distinguished from the export of commodities, the formation of international combines which parcel out the world among themselves, and the completion of the territorial division among the great imperialist powers (under the new conditions of the existence of genuine socialist countries led by Maridst-Leninist parties, fighting National Liberation movements, and the emergence of .revisionism in the Soviet Union.) 3. The development of U.S. capitalism to its highest stages has meant a change in the structure of the economy of the U.S., in which we note several features: (a) the increase in the number of capitalists and their hangers-on who depend for their income on the plunder of the colonial and dependent countries; (b) the decrease in the numbers of small capitalists together with the creation of the new middle sectors based on monopoly and the superstructure, for example, franchise-holders and jobbers and various employees of the state whose main function is to serve and protect the empire; (c) the increase in the numbers of the proletariat together with the relative growth within it of those 13 whose sectors engaged in non—productive labor; (CDthe creation, on the basis of stmer-profits from the colonial and semi-colonial world, of an aristocracy of labor and upon it a labor bureaucracy, which forms the basis of opportunism (collaboration with capital disguised as labor policy) within the working class movement; and (e) the driving down of the position of the masses of workers in relation to the bourgeoisie. 4. The present ruling class in the U.S. is the bourgeoisie, and the state is a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Within the bourgeois class, the monopoly strata have emerged as the dominant and controlling voice. Taking advantage of their strength, they have increased the direct involvement of the state in the accumulation of capital, giving rise to state-monopolv capitalism. 5. In the U. S. as a whole there are only two classes capable of exercising state power: the bourgeoisie, headed t: the big monopolies; and the proletariat, headed by the workers in manufacturing, extractive industries, construction, transportation, communications, and agriculture. This is so because only these two classes have a direct relation to the means of creating wealth which enables them, as a class-conscious force, to create society in their image. This is nottosay that middle sectors do not play an important social and political role, but always as representing the interests of one or the other class on each side of them. Hence, the strategic goal of the U.S. proletariat can only be to destroy the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and replace it by the dictatorship of the proletariat, as the precondition for building socialism. 6. No ruling class in history has ever retired peacefully from the scene. Furthermore, no revolution has ever succeeded without the existence, for a long or short period, of some form of dual power, whether that be territorial, as in the case of the liberated zones of China and Cuba, or right under the nose of the existing power, as in the case of the Russian Soviets. in the U.S. the victory 0f the proletariat will not take place wunout a violent civil war and the existence of some form of dual power. 7. Because of the increasing difficulty of U.S. imperialism in imposing its policies on the people of the world, the already eroded democratic form of the bourgeois dictatorship is presently being formed into the fascist dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The drive toward fascism stems from the most imperialist, reactionary, and powerful sectors of finance capital. and the leading role in the fascist drive is being played by the official organs of the bourgeois state. 8. The expansion of U.S. imperialism into areas of the world where capitalism developed later than in the west has brought indescribable miseries to the peoples - https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/b21b17882b438dfb1f97b3870a97c01c.tif 863bf3b4f5f428371f5a7e3699d90821 PDF Text Text of those areas, who have been transformed into subject, dependent nations. Within the juridical borders of the {3.3. we have seen the formation in the deep south of the Arm-American nation, and the conquest and direct colonial rule of Puerto Rico. 9. Workers of the world are brothers. At the present time, the principal contradiction in the world is that between U.S. imperialism and the oppressed nations. It is the struggle of the oppressed nations and peoples, including the non-white peoples in the U.S., who are dealing the heaviest blows to U.S. imperialism. There is no doubt that all of the oppressed peoples will master the concepts of building a national alliance against U. S. imperialism, will learn to wage people’s war, and will win their national liberation. 10. In the epoch of imperialism, recognition of the distinction between oppressor and oppressed nations is the central feature in a revolutionary program. The ability of the working class of the U.S. to carry the struggle against U.S. imperialism through to the end and win its own freedom depends on its recognition that the U.S. is one thing and the nations oppressed by it, including the Afro-American nation, are another, and its ability to link up its struggles with those of the oppressed peoples. In order to establish these links, white U.S. workers must adopt as their own the slogan of the right to self-determination for the nations oppressed by U.S. imperialism, which means the right to secession and the formation of an independent national state. It must be underlined that the slogan of the right of secession for the oppressed nations is a slogan directed at the working class of the oppressor nation mother country, and does not in any way suggest to the oppressed nations whether or not they should exercise that right, nor does the slogan carry with it any directions for the strategy of the oppressed nations. Winning the. masses of white workers to the right of self-determination for the Afro-American nation in the deep South and all oppressed nations requires a consistent struggle to repudiate the white-skin privilege which has served as the chief rationale for white chauvinism, and a consistent strugle for the democratic rights of the Afro-American people, including support for such demands as community control. 11. Because the dominance 'of the big monopolies has brought them into conflict with other strata of society besides the proletariat, it becomes possible for the- proletariat to rally around itself masses of non-proletarians in a united front against the imperialists. Such a united front, which depends for its achievement on the independent, class-conscious actions of the proletariat, winning over or neutralizing large numbers in the middle sectors and isolating the most reactionary, dangerous, and powerful elements of finance capital. The key principles of the united front against U.S. imperialism, for which all revolutionaries ‘ must fight, are four: (a) the leading role of the proletariat within the united front; (b) the willingness to unite all who can be united against the monopolies; (c) the central role of the fight against white supremacy in the building of a united front; and (d) the fight against anti~communism. It must be emphasized that the united front against imperialism can only be a tactical orientation of the proletariat, not a strategy, since strategy means a plan for the basic realignment of class forces,which in the U.S. as a whole can omy mean the undivided power of the proletariat, acting in the ltiter—sets of the OVerwhelming masses of the world’s People. 12. In order for the U.S. proletariat to play its historic role, it must be led by a party of revolutionaries, organized on the basis of democratic centralism, guided by the science of the proletariat, the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao. The party must be able to apply these teachings to the specific conditions of the U. S., in order to import class consciousness into the spontaneous struggles of the proletariat. 13. The struggle to impart class consciousness to the proletariat necessarily involves a struggle against all forms of opportunism (bourgeois ideology within the working class movement) and especially in specific sub -category, revisionism (bourgeois ideology within the socialist movement). It is impossible to wage a struggle against opportunism without recognizing its connection with imperialism through the creation of an aristocracy of labor which receives bribes from the plunder of the colonial and dependent nations. Revolutionary Youth Movement -- Ii Six months have passed since we came together around the idea of transforming SDS into a revolutionary youth movement. The practice which has taken place within our movement has now made it possible to reevaluate the RYM and reestablish the principles of unity for our movement. The tremendous growth of SDS, the repression that has come down on the whole movement and the heightening contradictions throughout the whole society have made our job much more serious. There are problems both of general strategic direction and of particular practice that we must tryto answer, and which the mass of our membership must be able to answer if we are to succeed. The purpose of this paper is to lay out the principles of unity for the RYM, and raise clearly the strategic principles of the whole anti-imperialist movement in which the RYM must develop. This paper also lays out some ideas fora programmatic approach to raising the level of struggle in this coming period following from our principles of struggle. How is it possible that there can be a Revolutionary Youth Movement such as is coming into existencetoday? All societies, at all times, face the contradiction between the new and the old, between what is growing and what is dying out. The youth movement in America is, in the first place, an expression of this contradiction. The young tend to be the most Open, innovative, and self-sacrificing. They are invariably the first to rebel. Mao says that while the future belongs to allofus, in the last analysis it belongs to youth. Our society is dying out. Not only here but on a World scale, in a historic sense. Imperialism, the monopoly phase of capitalism, is nearing its closing hours. Our epoch is the epoch of the final collapse of imperialism and the final worldwide victory of socialism. imperialism, fully moribund, manifests its decay everywhere. It pollutes all that is fresh, alive, vital, and growing. The young in general, but particularly among the oppressed classes and strata, are among- the hardest hit by decaying imperialism. Hardest hit and most willing to fight back—that is the youth movement. The ruling class would like to portray youthful rebellion as simply a generational or biological https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/af8423db022961dddd0ea5f62a09c75b.tif d8eb0a989f828a366c64599200952759 PDF Text Text possible and correct to unite youth from all class“ into the struggles against imperialism. with the escalation of correct anti-imperialist Struggles, the RYM must bring more and more working class youth into its ranks. In order for this fighting force, to grow from an agitational movement to a movement capable of destroying imperialism it is essential that the youth movement develop an international ideology which holds as its essential principles the fight against anti-communism, the fight against white supremacy and male supremacy, and the fight for the key role of the proletariat. 2) The revolutionary youth movement can be one of the main ways of bringing the anti—imperialist movement to the proletariat as a whole. Especially today when the white sectors of the proletariat are dominated by the bourgeois ideologies of white national chauvinism, male chauvinism, anti-communism, the anti-imperialism movement must greatly intensify its "efforts to win the proletariat. Roads to the working class for the youth movement are through class-conscious actions against imperialist institutions and wars; mobilizing workers and working class youth to anti-imperialist struggles in the schools, shops, communities, and military; and making the anti-imperialist movement understandable to the mass of the people by joining in their struggles against bosses, oppressive community institutions, city government, taxes, the pigs, etc. as a revolutionary force. V WHEN THE GREAT MASS OF THE PROLETARIAT IS THE LEADING FORCE OF THE ANTI-IMPERIALIS’I‘ MOVEMENT, IMPERIALISM IS DOOMED. The youth movement to date has been guilty of two errors in relation to the proletariat. The attempt to hold the struggles of the youth movement to the present level of most working class struggles through a student-worker alliance is tailism. It denies the leading role of youth today in raising the struggles against imperialism clearly and militantly. This position does not tmderstand the basic principle that the mass of the proletariat must link up with the revolutionary struggles of Asia, Africa, Latin-America, and the Afro-American people if it is ever to win its freedom. It shies away from confrontation, for the most part, and does not speak to the rays in which young people feel the crisis in imperialism. On the other hand, the denial of the leading role that the proletariat must eventually play and the outlook that those who are in motion now must be the main force leads to adventurism. This leads us to ignore the main force in the struggle in our organizing efforts and in our ideology. - Both of these common errors come from a lack of faith in the people. Much of the last six months has seen the RYM vacillating between the twin errors: tailism and adven’mrism. Sometimes we talk only about the - international aspects of the struggle, the Vietnamese, etc. and say nothing about the class nature of the struggles in this country. Sometimes we are so busy organizing youth to confront the system that we lose sight of articulating clear class issues and doing mass work among the working class. On the other hand, sometimes we relate well to the struggles of the working people—in fights against the tracking system, tuition, in strikes, fights against the schools by the 60mmv.mity; fights against police repression——but fail lb to identify imperialism as the main enemy and ’ movements of national liberation. as our allies. Vacillation is inevitable, but if our understanding of the function of the RYM is correct, we will steera course which avoids both tniiism and adventurism. 3) A key aspect of the youth in foment is its Wes against white supremacy. Struggles against the white supremacist practices of the schools this year have fundamentally challenged the basis of this decadent, oppressive society. We must carry this fight into all aspects of our work. This fight is key because the‘main tactics of the bourgeoisie in maintaining the effective allegiance of the masses of white people to capitalism are relative material privileges for some, and a false ideology which holds that peeple of color are inferior. lnseparable from the battle against white supremacy is the battle against white national chauvinism (the U.S. form of oppressor nation chauvinism) which denies the right of national liberation and state power to the oppressed nations of the world. It has been the justification for the imperialist plunder of the world. It took the mass of the ‘peace movement' five years to support the victory of the NLF and DRV in Viet Nam when victory means the right to self-determination, the military gains necessary to defend their land from all imperialist powers. The mass of whites in the movement now, and throughout the history of the movement, have denied (in fact, if not in wordﬂthe right of self-determination of the black people, which must be defined finally as the right to secession. It is an important task of the youth movement to wage internal struggle against these so-calledprevolutionaries who comtemose the struggle for socialism to the struggle for self-determination of oppressed peeple. They are neither revolutionaries, nor are they struggling for socialism. Some of these aatack movements of national liberation—such as the courageous struggle of the Vietnamese --for not making the fight for the dictatorship of the proletariat the basis of unity of the liberation struggle. They do not recognize the right to self-determination of the Black people, saying that they are only super-exploited workers, that all nationalism is reactionary. All these are guilty of white national chauvinism which amounts to putting the intetests of the white ruling class ahead of the interests of the working class and the oppressed peoples of all countries. Others raise the slogan of national liberation, but deny the possibility of liberation before the establishment of socialism in. the mother country, or equate the national liberation struggle with the fight for socialism in the whole country. These do not understand the basic principle that it, is the taskof socialists in the mother country to defend the right and possibility of separation and secession while it is the task of socialists in the colony to fight for socialism. In the white movement we must raise the slogan of self-detern'dnation, and chauvinistically equate it with the fight for socialism in the whole country. This does not deny that, because of the dual role of black workers in the mother country (both colonized and exploited as an internal work force), these black workers can play the leading role in the fight for socialism. It-is only to say that the fight for the right of selfgdeterminatiou of the black people 13 a pre—comition to aim/MO! socialism in this country. ’ 4) Further division and control of the proletariat has been effected through the ideology and practice of https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/93efa8d6028f65dcf7f42ebee396cb4b.tif 012883f0a18760a068608d609741c25b PDF Text Text phenomenon. In fact, it stems from the particularities of American imperialist development. The youth movement has developed in proportion to the increasingly pronounced decay of this system. The fifties witnessed the temporary stabilization" of U.S. rule. The American century lasted about 10 years. From a relatively isolated imperialist poWer, World War II has enabled the U.S. monopolists to dominate most of the world. But by 1960 the consequences of that insane scheme were becoming apparent. The short lived empire began to crumble. Young people were victimized on every hand. The draft forced the military burden of ﬁghting and dying in an uniust war on to the young. The increasing exclusiveness and discrimination within Trade Unions affected young workers, particularly black and brown workers. Automation contributed to the general capitalist trend toward greater unemployment which affected job seekers with little experience severely. The decay of bourgeois ideology made the schools into pails -—-either of force or boredom---which taughtthrough repetition and answered through irrelevance. The decay of bourgeois cultute, inevitable in a climate of imperialist war and injustice, precipitated a cultural rebellion among those who were only just establishing their life styie. The domestic nulitarizaiion, particularly of the schools, made rebellion against all forms of bourgeous authoritarianism, from the principal on down, a matter of pride to the most advanced among the youth. The upsurge of national liberation struggles at home and abroad provided heroic examples of other possibilities. Cuba, Vietnam, and African struggles as well as the revolutionary spirit of the Chinese provided inspiration and models. Finally, the sharpness of the contrast with those who came to adulthood in the fifties and whose outlook reflected that earlier phase— ali this contributed to making the youth movement central to the U. S. revolutionary movement. It is in so far as SDS has spokentothis condition of youth that our organization has grown and been able to play its part in the struggle to defeat U.S. Imperialism and build world socialism. THE YOUTH MOVEMENT IS NOT A STAGE, OR A TEMPORARY REBELLION. IT WILL FIGHT THROUGH TO THE END. We must define our main task. We must develop a youth movement which can attack the main enemy of all oppressed people, U.S. imperialism, and swd an anti -imperialist movement among the masses of people, especially among the proletariat, without whom imperialism cannot be defeated. Out of this movement, revolutionary cadre must, develop which will aid the development of a vanguard party necessary to lead the struggle for socialism. The youth movement May—composed of black, brown, and white youth from different class backgrounds ---is not something that has the task only of ‘iighting the match” and then flickering out. This youth movement must build and last if the struggle is to be successful. Youth must be in the front ranks of all phases of the struggle, just as now they are in the leading role in raising the fight against the main enemy—U.S. imperialism—throughout the whole society. While imperialism oppresses all young people, the contradictions arise in a-class and colonial way. They 15 hit hardest on working class youth and especially black and brown youth. The basis for unity within the youth movement must be a fight in the interest of the most oppressed sectors of the people. This must especially be the basis of unity for SDS. The raising of class conscious struggles is the only basis there is for linking up with working class youth who must make upthe backbone of any effective youth movement. It is on this basis that we can reach out to young peeple in working class high schools, in the army, on the streets, and anthem. WHAT ARE THE MAIN FORCES OF OUR STRUGGLE, WHAT ARE THE PRINCIPAL CONTRADICTIONS? The plan of the RYM, for SDS as a ﬁghting force against imperialism, attacking the schools and other imperialist institutions, raising the demand that these institutions serve the people, fighting white supremacy and expanding to include more and more working class youth is well under Way. But now, at a crucial phase, we are being faced with questions of strategy and correct position that could tear us apart internally or send us overall in a wrong direction—a counter-revolutionary direction. At the basis of these questions are fundamental conceptions of the strategy of the whole anti-imperialist struggle, the struggle for socialism. We must have an analysis of the main forces and the principal contradictions in our struggle. The basic perspective of the anti-imperialist movement is this: the principal contradiction in the world today is between U.S. imperialism and the oppressed nations, including the black nation. This shapes the class struggle both in these nations and within the U.S. itself. Many of 'the main forces inthis country which could be brought to oppose the imperialist now side with the imperialist against the oppressed nation. Therefore a pre-condition of any mass struggle against imperialism is winning the people to the support of the right to self-determination of oppressed nations. The struggle must unite peOple from all classes and sectors of classes that can be united on this basis against the imperialists. The leading force in this movement, however, must eventually be the proletariat if the struggle is tobe successful and lead to socialism. It is the class which has the power to defeat the imperialists, to carry the fight through to the establishmentof socialism and to guard against the resurgence of capitalism. It is the only class which in ending its own exploitation must end the exploitation of all classes. In order for the proletariat to lead, there must be a party tha represents the interests of the proletariat and has a mass base among the proletariat—41 Mandst-Leninist party. Finally, since. it is only the armed might of the state which in the last resort maintains the avaricious power of the imperialists, there must be armed struggle on the part of the people if they are to have victory. THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF STRUGGLE FOR THE REVOLUTIONARY YOUTH MOVEMENT There are five main ways in which the 3011i}! movement relates to the anti-imperialist struggle as- a whole. These are its principles of unity and its strategy for action. 1) The youth movement must build itself into auniﬂed fighting force against the imperialists. Given the particular oppression of youth under imperialism, it’s https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/9cfc564ee56dd2f0667d748c8ba95643.tif eeab3e43229005bf9588bb6d006ab3d9 PDF Text Text male supremacy. Male supremacy has arisen out of the relation of women to the means of productionin society: that of unpaid necessary social labor in the maintenance and reproduction of the labor force as a reserve army of labor used to keep down wagesin general. Thus women are all degraded as sexual objects and are super-exploited: paid lower wages and denied access to the skills and trades for men. The youth movement must fight against the male supremacist structure of this decadent society and the manifestations of this in the superstructure. We must raise and join women’s struggles throughout the working class and pay particular attention to the fight against male supremacy within our own ranks. Our task is to enlist women into the struggle against imperialism and the fight for the right to self-determination of all oppressed nations. The youth movement will not only be in the leading ranks of the armed struggle, but it can now beginto prepare the people for the necessity of armed strugle, supporting armed self-defense on the part of all oppressed people, explaining the nature of the state, and supporting peoples war. 5) The youth movement can play a role in the development of a . party by fighting anti-communism, developing communist ideology, and taking communist ideology to the mass of the people. PROGRAM OF THE RYM 1. Anti-imperialist program in the schools The function of the schools under capitalism is the preparation of an ideological army for imperialism. This preparation is accomplished through 1) courses designed to perpetuate anti—commimist, white national chauvinist, and anti - working class ideology; 2) a ‘tracking' system based on maintaining class and colonial division within society which exemplifies and reinforces this ideology; 3) a'grading system which promotes individual competition and the myth of ‘getting ahead"; and 4) a rigid system of discipline to penalize and smash 'any challenge or deviation from this bourgeois line. Our objective is to turn the school into its opposite. We will attempt to turn out of the schools an army of youth to fight against imperialism. To do this we challenge the function of universities in training, research, and recruiting for corporations and for the military. We challenge racist admissions and curriculums with the slogan Open Them Up 0r Close Them Down. We attack the track system in thehigh schools and community colleges and all other forms of maintaining class and colonial structure like flunkouts, tuition increases etc. We demand that the schools serve the commmity, that the schools be made relevant to the needs of the community. A major ideological trend within the movement that we have to combat is “student power’ which demarxis participation of the students in making and enforcing the rules or operation of the schools. We already have the power to change the school because we can shut it down if it doesn’t change. We are not interested in establishing meaningless committees or diverting ourselves from the main object of our struggle. Our program: 17 A. 1. End to tracking 2. No flunkouts or disciplinary expulsions 3. Open admissions for all black and brown schema: 4. The teaching of the true history and social conditions of this decadent, imperialist society 5. A real understanding of communism and of movements of national liberation 6. End to male supremacy in the teaching of classes, the content of courses, andthe ‘tracking' of women into secondary roles and employment 7. A guarantee of decent employment for youth who are not given the chance of higher educadon. B. 1. We support employees in their struggles to extract a better life in return for their work in the schools. 2. We join in the struggles to make the schools provide day care centers, liw income housing, cultural youth centers, etc. for the surrounding community. . 3. We will attack the existence of military training and research programs, police institutes, etc. in the schools and stop their functioning by any means necessary. 4. We will attack the imperialist functions of the university for its programs of university expansion etc. C. We will give special support for black and brown student demands, because their demands challenge the key feature in imperialist institutions today: the oppression of black and brown peogles and the attempt to win white people to the support of that oppression through the offering of white-skin privileges. We support the 10 point program of the Black Panther Party on the campuses. . D. Just as we must attack the schools for their imperialist oppression and exploitation, so we must recruit youth from the schools to join with non-student struggles against other institutions in building a 253-011;: anti —imperialist, anti -war mvement; and a moveme that can respond to the specific repressive attacks against the people and the movement. 2. Roads to the Working Class We will never be able to destroy U. S. imperialism unless the proletariat-white, brown, and black—is brought solidly into the anti-imperialist movement. A) In order to bring the anti-imperialist movement to the working class we must understand clearly that imperialism is not in the interests of the mass of the working class, because it leads again and again to crisis with its unemployment, inflation, high taxes, bad working conditions, and the day to day exploitation of the wage worker. B) We must recruit more and more working class youth into the struggle by continuing and intensifying our organization within working class high schools and junior colleges. C) We must go into shops, plants, hospitals,- farm work, etc. not only for summer “work in” programs, but more and more of us should be making long-term commitments to live and work among the proletariat. D) We must link up students involved .. in anti-imperialist struggles against the schools with community groups fighting against the immediate institutions of oppression: hospitals, churches, urban renewal programs, pigs; etc. The anti-imperialist youth https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/4f7c2448968d693aa516cb6e8bb1f362.tif 50ae69b35bc6badc89829884e2e5f5fc PDF Text Text movement must serve the people. That means it must enter into the struggles of the people and help them to win. Especially, SDS should work closely with non-student youth groups in their fights against the police and courts. Many of us will leave school to live and work among these youth groups, developing the principles of the anti-imperialist youth movement. E) Serving the people means giving material support to 'he many militant strikes and wildcats. in doing this we must attack the employer—the corporation or company—on an anti-imperialist basis whenever possible. The boycott against Standard Oil during the Richmond strike is a good example: give support on the picket line and in the boycott, but raise the anti-imperialist aspect of the struggle against Standard Oil. The priority of the youth movement does not mean that we refuse support for most strikes and Wildcats because they are not ‘conscious’ enough for our liking. This is an elitist and meommunist attitude that falls away when we realize the ultimate importance of the proletariat in the anti-imperialist struggles. Neither does this priority give the excuse for paying more attention to faction fighting over slogans of support than to aiding the strike. Just as the main way in which white workers are confronted with the anti-imperialist struggle is through the struggles for self-determination of Afro-American workers, so the stand of the strike or wildcat on issues of white supremacy should be the key in determining our attitude toward the strike. If the strike is clearly a racist strike—dike the New York teachers strike against the demands of black people—then we should oppose it. F) We must take our movement to the youth in the military by going into the armed services and contributing our support to the anti-imperialist movement which already exists among the Gls. 3) Relationship of ‘ the Revolutionary Youth Movement to the Struggles of Black and Brown People The struggle for self-determination of Afro -American and Puerto Rican people is the principal anti-imperialist struggle we can relate to. We must support and follow their leadership in their actions against the imperialists; and at all times fight white supremacy through demands for black and Latin equality, and national self-determination whether the black and brown people on our campuses, in shops, and in the communityare in motion or not. ‘ Some people argue that 1) black and brown people will become ‘mlddle class” if they get into the schools, and 2) that community control fights are bad because they give peeple the illusion that ‘real power” could be won while the imperialists hold state power. Only the height of white chauvinism could think the first when one sees the militancy and political content of so many black student struggles today and through the history of the sixties. And only academic Trotslqvists could refuse to join a progressive fight of the people because it could be co-opted. State power is the only noné-cooptable demand. We will try to win the mass of people to support of 18 the black and brown people’s right toarmin self-defense against the military occupation of their communities. We must mobilize to defend the black and brown movements which are now under so heavy an attack by the power structure. And we must take that defense to the mass of the working people in whatever way we can. 4) The Fight Against Male Supremacy The structure of male supremacy inthis society— in employment, social, and political institutions—end the ideology of male chauvinism is one of the chief barriers to unity in the fight against imperialism. In order to bring an end to the unjust treatment of women now and in the socialist society, and tounite all in our fighting force, we must wage a vigorous attack on male supremacy both inside and outside the movement. In particular we must carry the fight against male supremacy to working women, encouraging them and joining in the fight to meet their needs, such as day care centers, equal employment, humane abortion laws, and access to higher education. Within the movement, the fight must be waged by purging the movement of male chauvinist attitudes, and encouraging the leadership of women. As with other oppressed peoples, women must form their own independent groupings and caucuses within revolutionary organizations in order to ensure that the struggle is carried through. 5) Repression: The Heightening of the Contradictions To be attacked by the enemy is not a bad thingbut a good thing. That the bourgeoisie finds it necessary to attack the movement shows their weakness. If imperialism was not a decaying society their ideology would be sufficient to hold the masses passive. However the war, high taxes, unemployment, etc. clearly show the failures of capitalism to meet the peoples’ needs. To pull back from our work with the masses would be exactly the result desired by the bourgeoisie. They have escalated their attack on the movement, and the only way to beat that attack is to carry through a strategy for winning the war against the bourgeoisie, and ultimately defeating imperialism. Therefore our essential program to fight repressiom is to carry through the program of the Revolutionary Youth Movement to reach out to the masses, particularly the proletariat, and to serve the needs of the people. In addition, we must use all the means available to us as a means to prevent the leading elements of the movement such as the EFF and individual leaders from being imprisoned or killed. While courts are still available to us as a means of defense, we should use them to the fullest extent, using the opportunity each time we appear in court to make clear the political nature of the police, courts, and attacks on individuals. In addition we must be prepared to defend ourselves by whatever means necessary when the courts can’t serve even the minimal protection they now provide. We must become skilled in the use of weapons andhe prepared to use them to defend ourselves if attacked. We must also prepare ourselves by securing our ofﬁces https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/6e42e30c7717fc0e4735257bedd4556a.tif a3be35e8ec954d35c99bbd0d2d964bfb PDF Text Text ..nd homes to prevent them from confis'cating important files and materials. As the armed might of the state comes down onthe people and the movement as it has done recentlyin Greensboro, Berkeley, and hundreds of other places in the black and brown communities, we must respond by preparing the people for armed self-defense and eventually for armed struggle. ' Armed attacks. by the state must be used by the movement to explain to the people the necessity of arming for self—defense and the nature of the state. We must take every opportunity to explain that the state cannot be challenged except through revolutionary violence. This is its nature. We must also fight against laws which are passed to disarm the people. While right wing groups are arming under the protection of fascist city pigs, it is increasingly difﬁcult for the mass of people to obtain arms. The disarming of the people is the first stage of fascism. The most important response to repression mustbe the extension of our ongoing programs in the schools, shOps, and communities. The movement is being attacked now because it is taking up the issues ofthe people against imperialism. Our only protection is to continue our programs among the people, adding to them where possible programs of defense against repression. No sector of the population is in a state of armed struggle, and we will only Win the peopleto the necessity of armed struggle through increasing and intensifying our political work. 6) Step Up the Movement to Defend Struggles for National Liberation It is part of our function as a revolutionary youth» movement to help build mass struggle against imperialist attacks on movements of national liberation and on communist countries. We must attempt tobulld this movement among all classes and sectors, especially among the working class. We call for mass militant actions around the country linking the fight against imperialist aggression in Viet Nam with the fight against imperialist repression of black and Puerto Rican liberation struggles, and the movement within this country. Such an action could take place in September in Chicago around the trial of Bobby. Seale, and the other seven indicted for last year’s anti-war action. Other actions would include local demonstrations, student strikes, and work stoppages. We must build for these actions through mass work in working class communities, in shops, and in schools. We must attempt to build city-wide collectives of people working in all three areas around this program. These collectives can be a great leap forward in buildinga city-wide anti-imperialist movement. 7) Develop Revolutionary Ideoloa and Organization in Our Work We must take seriously the job of helping to build the communist party. There is no such communist party which exists today, no party which both represents the interests of the proletariat and has any mass base among the proletariat. There are things which we can do to help prepare for it. We must study revolutionary principles of organization as Lenin, Mao, and others have written about them, develop collective methods of work and decision-making, and fight anti—communism along with elitism, manipulation, and individualism. Finally the principles of hiarxism-Ieninism mustbe talked about openly." in all our mass work and anti-commmism taken on at every step.‘ You don't need a weatherman *0 know Whlch way the wmd News (Submitted by Karin Ashley, Bill Ayers Bernardine. Dohm, John daCDbs, Jeff Jones, Gerry Long, Howie Machtinger, Jim- Mellon, Terry Robbins, Mark Rudd, and Steve Tappis) 1. INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTION “The; contradiction between the revolutionary peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and The overriding consideration in answering these questions is that the main struggle going on in the world today is between US imperialism and the national liberation struggles against it. This is essential in defining political matters in the whole world: because it is by far the most powerful, every other empire and petty dictator is in the long run dependent on US imperialism, which has unifiedfallied with, and defended all of the reactionary forces of the whole world. Thus, in considering every other force—or phenomenon, the imperialists headed by the United States . . . . . . . , is the ' principal contradiction in the from Sowet imperialism 01‘ 151333911 1mperialism .tO contemporary world. The development of this “w01kers struggle” 1n France or Czechoslovakia, contradiction is promoting the struggle of the we determine who are our friends andr who- are our people of the whole world against US enemies according to whether they help LS imperialism imperialism and its lackeys.’ or fight to defeat it" . ..- . So the very ﬁrst questlon people in this country must ask in considering the question of revolution is where they stand in relation to the United States as an oppressor nation, and’where they stand in relation to the masses of peeple throughout the world whom US imperialism is oppressing. The primary task of revolutionary struggle is to solve this principal contradiction on the side of the people of -— Lin Piao, Long Live the Victory of People's War! '9 People ask, what is the nature of the revolution that we talk about? Who will it be made by, and for, and what are its goals and strategy? https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/47478c5f141855205d768363ae2b92f9.tif e60662c988fd488db9d13677390d55b9 PDF Text Text the world. It is the oppressed peoples of the. world who have created the wealth of this empire and it is to them that it belongs; the goal of the revolutionary struggle must be the control and_use of this wealth in the interests of the oppressed peoples of the world. It is in this context that we must I-examine the revolutionary struggles in the united States. We are within 'the heartland of a world-wide monster, a country so rich from its world-wide plunder that even the crumbs doled out to the enslaved masses within its borders provide for material existence very much above the conditions of the masses of people of the world. The US empire, as a world-wide system, channels wealth, based upon the labor and resources of the rest of the world, into the United States. 'The relative affluence existing in the United States is directly dependent upon the labor and natural resources of the Vietnamese. the Angolans, the Bolivians and the rest of the peoples of the Third World. All of the United Airlines Astrojets, all of the Holiday Inns, all of Hertz’s automobiles, your television set, car and wardrobe already belong, to a large degree, to the people of the _ rest of the world. Therefore, any conception of “socialist revolution” simply in terms of the working people of the United States, failing to recognize the full scope of interests. of the most oppressed peoples of the world, is a conception of a fight for a particular privileged interest, and is a very dangerous ideology. While the control and use of the wealth of the Empire for the people of the whole world is also in the interests of the vast majority of the people in this country, if the goal is not clear from the start we will further the preservation of class society, oppression, war, genocide, . and the complete e'miseration of everyone, including the people of the US. The goal is the destruction of US imperialism and the achievement of a classless world:world communism. Winning state power in the US will occur as a result of the military forces of the US overextending themselves. around the world and being defeated piecemeal; struggle within the US will be a vital part of this process, but. when the revolution triumphs in the US it will have been made by the people of the whole world. For socialism to be defined in national terms within so extreme and historical an oppressor nation as this is onlyimperialist national chauvinism on the part of the ‘movement.’ 11. WHAT is THE BLACK COILQNY? Not every colony of people oppressed by imperialism lies outside the boundaries of the US. Black people within North America, brought here 400. years ago as slaves and whose labor, as slaves, built this country, are an internal colony within the confines of the oppressor nation. What this means 'is that black people are oppressed as a whole people, in the institutions and social relations of the country, apart from simply the consideration of their class position, income, skill, etc. as individuals. What does this colony look like? W hat is the basis for its common oppression and why is it important? One historically important position has been that the black colony only consists of the “black belt nation in the Scuth, whose fight for national liberation is based on? a common land, culture, history andeconomic life. The corollary of this position is that black people in the rest ofthe c'ountry are-a national minority but not actually" _parr of» the colony themselves; so the struggle for national‘Jiberation is for the black belt, and not all blacks; black people in the north, not actually part of the. colony, are partof the working class of the white oppressor nation. In this formulation northern black workers have a “dual role’——one an interest in supporting the struggle in the South, and opposing 20 racism, as members of the national minority, and as: northern ‘white nation' workers whose class interest is in integrated socialism in the north. The consistent version of this line actually calls for integrated organizing of black and white workers in the north along what it calls “class’ lines. This position is wrong; in reality, the black colony does not exist sil’nply as the ‘black belt nation”, but exists in the country as a whole. The common oppression of black people and the common culture growing out of that history are not based historically or currently on their relation to the territory of the black belt, even though that has been a place of population concentration and has some very different characteristics than the north, particularly around the land question. Rather, the common features of oppression, history and culture which unify black people ‘as a colony (although originating historically in a common teritt. 'y apart from ther colonizers, i.e. Africa, not the South) have been based historically on their common position as slaves, which smce the nominal abolition of slavery has taken the form of caste oppression, and oppression of black people as a people everywhere that they exist. A new black nation, different from the nations of Africa from which it came, has been forged by the common historical experience of importation and slavery and caste oppression; to claim that to be a nation it must of necessity now be based on a common national territory apart from the colonizing nation is a mechanical application of criteria which were and are applicable. to different situations. “hat is specifically meant by the term caste is that all black people, on the basis of their common slave history, common culture and skin color are systematically denied access to particularjob categories (or positions within job categories), social position etca regardless of individual skills, talents, money or education. Within the working class, they are the most oppressed section; in the petit bourgeoisie, they are even more strictly confined to the lowest levels. Token ' exceptions aside, the specific content of this caste Oppression is to maintain black people in the most exploitative and oppressive jobs and conditions. Therefore, since the lowest class is the working class, the black caste is almost entirely a caste of the working class, or positions as oppressed as the lower working class positions (poor black petit — bourgeoisie and farmers); it is a colonial labor caste, a colony whose common national character itself is defined by their (. ommon class position. ’lhus, northern blacks do not have a “dual interest' --—as blacks on the one hand and “L S-nat1on workers” https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1f686bf3c5a06dce979c365d4af2ecc2.tif 1f8643c0cc14d47bf26d21955bcbfab3 PDF Text Text on th:- other. They have a single class interest, along with all other black peOple in the US, as members of the Black-Proletarian Colon.“ Ill. Till-2 STRUGGLE FOR SUClALlST SELF—DETERMINATION The struggle of black people—-—as a colony—«is for self-determination, freedom, and liberation from US imperialism. Because blacks have been oppressed and held in an inferior social position as a people, they have a right to decide, organize and act on their common destiny as a people apart from white interference. Black self -determination does not simply apply to determination of their collective political destiny at some future time. It is directly tied to the fact that because all blacks experience oppression in a form that no whites do, no whites are in a position to fully understand and test from their own practice the real situation black people face and the necessary response to it. This is why it is necessary for black people to organize separately and determine their actions separately at each stage of the struggle. It is impdrtant to understand the implications of this, It is not legitimate for whites to organizationally intervene in differences among revolutionary black nationalists. It would be arrogant for us to attack any black organization that defends black people and opposes imperialism in practice. But it is necessary to develop a correct understanding of the Black Liberation struggle within our own organization, where an incorrect one will further racist practice in our relations with the black movement. In the history of some external colonies, such as China and Vietnam, the struggle for self determination has had two stages: (1) a united front against imperialism and for New Democracy (which isa joint dictatorship of anti—colonial classes led by the proletariat, the content of which is a compromise between the interests of the proletariat and nationalist peasants, petit bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie); and (2) developing out of p the new democratic stage, socialism. However, the black liberation struggle in this country will have only one “stage”; the struggle for self-determination will embody Within it the struggle for socialism. As Huey P. Newton has said, “In order to bea revolutionary nationalist, you would of necessity have to be a socialist.” This is because—given the caste quality of oppression - as - a — people-through-a-common—degree —of—exploitation--self-determination requires being free from white capitalist exploitation in the form of' inferior (lower caste) jobs, housing, schools, hospitals, prices. In addition, only what was or became in practice a socialist program for self-determination —'—one which addressed itself to reversing this exploitation—could win the necessary active mass support in the “proletarian colony.’ The program of a united front for new democracy, on the other hand, would not be as thorough, and so would notwin as active and determined support from the black masses. The only reason for having such a ‘tront would be where the independent petit bourgeois forces which it would bring in would add enough strength to balance the weakening of proletarian backing. This is not the case: first, because much of the black petit bourgeoisie is actually a “comprador’ petit bourgeoisie (like so—called black capitalists who are promoted by the power structure to seem independent but are really agents of white monopoly capital), who would never fight as a class for any real self-determination; and secondly, because many black petit bourgeoisie, perhaps most, while 'not having a class interest in socialist 2i self-determination, are close enough to the black‘ masses in the oppression and limitations on their conditions that they will support. many kinds of‘ self-determination issues, and, especially when the movement is winning, can be won to support full (socialist) self-determination. For the black movement to work to maximize this support from the petit bourgeoisie is correct; but it is in no way a united front where it is clear that the Black Liberation Movement should not and does not modify the revolutionary socialist content of its stand to win that support. IV. BLACK LIBERATION MEANS REVOLUTION What is the relationship of the struggle for black self —determination to the whole world—wide revolution to defeat US imperialism and internationalize its resources toward the goal of creating a classless world? No black self—determination could be won which would not result in a victory for the international revolution as a whole. The black proletarian colony, beingdispersed as such a large and exploited section of the work force, is essential to the survival of imperialism. Thus, even if the black liberation movement chose to try to attain self —determination in the form of a separate country (a legitimate part of the right to self-determination), existing side by side with the US, imperialism could not survive if they won it—and so would never give up without being defeated. Thus, a revolutionary nationalist movement could not win without destroying the state power of the imperialists; and it is for this reason that the black liberation movement, as a revolutionary nationalist movement for self-determination, is automatically in and of itself an inseparable part of the whole revolutionary struggle against US imperialism and for international socialism. ' However, the fact that black liberation depends on wmning the whole revolution does not mean that it depends on waiting for and joining with a mass white movement to do it. The genocidal oppression of black people must be ended, and does'not allow any leisure time to wait; if necessiry, black people cOuld win self-determination, abolishing the whole imperialist system and seizing state power to do it, without this white movement, although the cost among whites and blacks both would be high. Blacks could do it alone if necessary because of their centralness to the system, economically and gee-militarily, and because of the level of unity, commitment, and initiative which will be developed in waging a people’s war for survival and national liberation. However, we do not expect that they will have to do it alone, not only because of the international situation, but also because the real interests of masses of oppressed whites in this country lie with the Black Liberation struggle, and the conditions for under'standing and fighting for these interests grows with the deepening of the crises. Already, the black liberation movement has carried with it an upsurge of revolutionarv consciousness among white youth; and while there are noguarantees, we can expect that this will extend and deepen among all oppressed whites. To put aside the possibility of blacks winning alone leads to the racist position that blacks should wait for whites and. are dependent on whites acting for them to win. Yet the possibility of blacks winning alone cannot in the least be a justification for "whites failing to shoulder the burden of developing a revolutionary movement among whites. If the first error is racism by holding back black liberation, this would be equally racist by leaving blacks isolated to take on the whole fight—and the whole cost—for everyone. It is necessary to defeat both racist tendencies: (1) that blacks shouldn’t go ahead with making the https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/8a7bb8db7e5bb31331ea23c27f5aa988.tif d6fb97b6fb2a89bf65803976fc1220b7 PDF Text Text revolution, and (2) that blacks should go ahead alone with making it. The only third path is to build a white movement which will support thel'blacks in moving as fast as they have to and are able to, and still itself keep up with that black movement enough so that white revolutionaries share the cost and the blacks don't have to do the whole thing alone. Any white who does not follow this third path is objectively following one of the other two (or both) and is objectively racist. V. ANTI-IMPERIALIST REVOLUTION AND THE UNITED FRONT Since the strategy for defeating imperialism in semi-feudal colonies has two stages, the newdemocratic stage of a united front to throw out imperialism and then the socialist stage, some people suggest two stages for the US too—one to stop imperialism, the anti-imperialist stage, and another to achieve the dictatorship of the proletariat, the socialist stage. It is no accident that even the proponents of this idea can’t tell you what it means. In reality, imperialism is a predatory international .stage of capitalism. Defeating imperialism within the US couldn’t possibly have the content, which it could ina semi-feudal country, of replacing imperialism with capitalism or new democracy; when imperialism is defeated in the US, it will be replaced by socialism—nothing else. One revolution, one replacement process, one seizure of state power--the anti-imperialist revolution and the socialist revolution, one and the same stageo To talk of this as two separate stages, the struggle to overthrow imperialism and the struggle for socialist revolution, is as crazy as if Marx had talked about the proletarian socialist revolution as a revolution of two stages, one the overthrow of capitalist state power, and second the establishment of socialist state power. Aleng with no two stages, there is no united front with the petit bourgeoisie, because its interests as a class aren’t for replacing imperialism with socialism. As far as people within this country are concerned, the international war against imperialism is the same task as the socialist revolution, for one overthrow of power here. There is no “united front’ for socialism here. One reason peOple have considered the ‘united front” idea is the fear that if we were talking about a one-stage socialist revo. “on we would fail to organize maximum possible suppon among people, like some petit bourgeoisie, who in. 1d fight imperialism on a particular issue, but weren’t for revolution. When the petit {bourgeoisie’s interest is for fighting imperialism on a particular issue, but not for overthrowing it and replacing it with socialism, it is still contributing to revolution to that extent—not to some intermediate thing which is not imperialism and not socialism. Someone not for revolution is not for actually defeating imperialism either, but we still can and should unite with them on particular issues. But this is not a united front (and we should not put forth some joint “united front' line with them to the exclusion _of our own politics), because their class position isn’t against imperialism as a system. In China, or Vietnam, the petit bourgeoisie’s class interests could be for actually winning against imperialism; this was because their task was driving it out, not overthrowing its whole existence. For us here, “throwing it out' means not from one colony, but all of them, throwing it out of the world, the same thing as overthrowing it. 22 played, Vi. INTERNATIONAL STRATEGY W strategy ofthin-intcrnatio'nai‘moillllona'i‘v’ movement? What are the strategic weaknesses of the imperialists which make it possible for us to win? Revolutionaries around the world are in general agreement on the answer, which Lin Piao describes in the following way: “US imperialism is stronger, but also more vulnerable, than any imperialism of the past° It sets itself against the people of the whole world, including the people of the United States. Its human, military, material and financial resources are far from sufficient for the realization of its ambition of domination over the whole world. US imperialism has further weakened itself by occupying so many places in the world, over-reaching itself, stretching its ‘ fingers out wide and dispersing its strength, with its rear so far away and its supply lines so long.‘ —- Lin Piao, Long Live the Victory of People’s War. p. 122 The strategy which flows from this is what Che called ‘creating two, three, many Viemams’—to mobilize the struggle so sharply in so many places that the imperialists cannot possibly deal with it all. Since it is essential to their interests, they will try to deal with it all, and will be defeated and destroyed in the process. In defining and implementing this strategy, it is clear that the vanguard (that is, the section of the people who ar~ in the forefront of the struggle and whose class - interests and needs define the terms and tasks of the revolution) of the ”American Revolution’ is the workers and oppressed peoples of the colonies of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Because of the level of special oppression of black people as a colony they reflect the interests of the oppressed people of the world from within the borders of the United States; they are pm‘t of the Third World and part of the international am! .6“ revolutionary vanguard. The vanguard role of the Vietnamese and other Third World countries in defeating US imperialism has been clear to our movement for some time. What has not been so clear is the vanguard role black people have and continue to play, in the development of revolutionary consciousness and struggle within the-- United States. Criticisms of the black liberation struggle as being 'reactionary” or of black organizations on https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/b9e07d1b43027ef8465fd142f45cdfd0.tif 446a5eb242ca4936915b38c63b87c264 PDF Text Text camp: 3 as being conservative or “racist” very often express this lack of understanding. These ideas are incorrect and must be defeated a revolutionary movement is going to be built among whites. The black colony, due to its particular nature as a slave colony, never adopted a chauvinist identification with America as an imperialist power, either politically or culturally. Moreover, the history of black people in America has consistently been one of the greatest overall repudiation of and struggle against the state. From the slave ships from Africa to the slave TBVOl‘.S, the Civil War, etc., black people have been waging a struggle for survival and liberation. in the history of ‘our own movement this has also been the casezthe civil rights struggles, initiated and led by blacks in the South; the rebellions beginning with Harlem in 1964 and Watts in 1965 through Detroit and Newark in 1967; the campus struggles at all-black schools in the south and struggles‘led by blacks on campuses all across the country. [is it is the blacks—along with the Vietnamese and other Third World people—who are most oppressed by US imperialism, their classinterests are most solidly and resolutely committed to waging reyolutionary struggle through to its completion. Therefore it is no surprise that time and again, in bot“. political content and level of consciousness and militancy, it has been the black liberation movement which has upped the ante and defined the terms of the struggle. What is the relationship of this “black vanguard” to the ‘many Vietnams” around the world?ObViously this is an "example of our strategy that different fronts reinforce each other. The fact that the Vietnamese are winning weakens the enemy, advancing the possibilities for the black struggle, etc. But it is important for us to understand that the interrelationship is more than this. Black people do not simply “choose” to intensify their struggle because they want to help the Vietnamese, or because they see that Vietnam heightens the possibilities for struggle here. The existence of any one Vietnam, especially a winning one, spurs on others not only. through consciousness'and choice, but through need, because it is a political and economic, as well as military, weakening of capitalism, and this means that to compensate, the imperialists are forced to intensify their oppression of other people. Thus the loss of China and Cuba and the loss now of Vietnam not only encourages other oppressed peoples (such as the blacks) by showing what the alternative is and that it can be won, but also costs the imperialists billions of dollars which they then have to takeout of the oppression of these other peoples. Within this country increased oppression falls heavier on the most oppressed sections of the population, so that the condition of all workers is worsened through rising taxes, inﬂation and the fall of real wages, and speedup. But this increased oppression falls heaviest on the most oppressed, such as poor white workers and, especially, the blacks, for example through the collapse of gate services like schools, hospitals, and welfare, which naturally hits the hardest at those most dependent on them. This deterioration pushes people to fight harder to even try to maintain their present level. The more the ruling class is hurt in Vietnam, the harder people will be pushed to rebel and to fight for reforms. Because there exist successful models of revolution in Cuba, Vietnam, etc., these reform struggles ivillprovide a continually larger and stronger base for revolutionary ideas. Because it needs to maximize profits by denying the reforms, and is aware that these conditions and reform struggles will therefore lead to revolutionary consciousness, the ruling class will see it more and more necessary to come down on any motion at all, 23 ewen wnere it is not yet highly organized or consc10us. It will come down faster on black people, because their oppression is increasing fastest, and this makes their rebellion most thorough and most dangerous, and fastest growing. It is because of this thatthe vanguard character and role of the black liberation struggle will be increased and intersn‘ied, rather than being increasingly equal to and merged unto the situation and rebellion of oppressed white working people and youth. The crises of imperialism (the existence of Vietnam and especially that it’s winnzng) will therefore create a “black Vietnam” within the US. Given that black self-determination-would mean fully crushing the power of the imperialists, this “Vietnam’ has certain different characteristics than the external colonial wars. The imperialists will never “get out of the US” until their total strength and every resource they can bring to bear has been smashed; so the Black Vietnam cannot win without bringing the whole thing down and winning for everyone. This means that this war of liberation will‘be the most protracted and hardest fought of all. It is in this context that the question of the South must be dealt with again, not as a question of whether or not the black nation, black colony, exists there, as opposed to in the north as well, but rather as a practical question of strategy and tactics : Can the black liberation struggle -— the struggle of all blacks in the country —gain advantage in the actual war of liberation by concentrating on building base areas in the South in territory with a concentration of black population? This is very clearly a different question than that of “where the colony is,” and to this question the “yes’ answer is an important possibility. If the best potential for struggle in the South were realized, it is fully conceivable and legitimate that the struggle there could take on the character of a fight for separation; and any victories won in that direction would be important gains for the national liberation of the colonyas a whole. However, because the colony is dispersed over the whole country, and not just located in the black belt, winning still means the power and liberation of blacks in the. whole country. Thus, even the winning of separate independence in the South would still be one step toward self—determination, and not equivalent to winning it; which, because of the economic position of the colonv as a whole, would still require overthrowing the state power of the imperialists, taking over production and the whole economy and power, etc. VII: THE REVOLUTIONARY YOUTH MOVEMENT: CLASS ANALYSIS The revolutionary youth movement program was hailed as a transition strategy, which explained a lot of our past work and pointed to new directions for our movement. But as a transition to what? What was our overall strategy? Was the youth movement strategy just an organizational strategy because SDS is an organization of youth and we can move best with other young people? We have pointed to the vanguard nature of the black struggle in this country as part of the international struggle against American imperialism, and the impossibility of anything but an international strategy. for winning. Any attempt to put forth a strategy which, despite internationalist rhetoric, assumes a purely internal development to'the class struggle in this country, is incorrect. The Vietnamese (and the Uruguayans and the Rhodesians) and the blacks and Third World peoples in this country will continue to set the terms for class struggle in America. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/2a3d7d8b2b1a5997c2a87368b7382ebf.tif 6f15ba199265f6425b5acd58d31bb87a PDF Text Text Ir. this context, why an emphasis on youth'.’ Why should young people be willing .to fight on the side of Third World peoples? Before dealing with this question about youth, however, there follows a brief sketch of the main class categories in the white mother country which we think are important, and indicate our present estimation of their respective class interests (bearing in mind that the potential for various sections to understand and fight for the revolution will vary according to more than just their real class interests). Most of the population is of the working class, by which we mean not simply industrial or production workers, nor those who are actually working, but the whole section of the yvpopulation which doesn’t own productive property and so lives off of the sale of its labor power. This is not a metaphysical category either in terms of its interests, the role it plays, or even who is in it, which very often is difficult to determine. As a whole, the long-range interests of the non-colonial sections of the working class lie with overthrowing imperialism, with supporting self—determination for the oppressed nations (including the black colony), with supporting and fighting for internatidnal socialism. However, virtually all of the white working class also has short-range privileges from imperialism, which are not false privileges but very real ones which give them an edge of vested interest and tie them to a certain extent to the imperialists, especially when the latter are in a relatively prosperous phase. When the imperialists are losing their empire, on the other hand, these short—ranged privileged interests are seen to be temporary (even though the privileges may be relatively greater over the faster — increasing emiseration of the oppressed peoples). The long-range interests of workers in siding with the oppressed peoplos are seen more clearly in the light of imperialism's impending defeat. Within the whole working class, the balance of anti-imperialist class interests with white mother country short-termprivilege varies greatly. First, the most oppressed sections of the mother country working class' have interests most clearly and strongly anti—imperialist. Who are the most oppressed sections of the working class? Millions of whites who have as oppressive material conditions as the blacks, or almost so: especially, poor southern white workers; the unemployed or semi-employed, or those employed at very low wages for long hours and bad conditions, who are non-unionized or have weak unions; and extending up to include much of unionized labor which has it a little better off but still is heavily oppressed and exploited. This category covers a wide range and includes the most oppressed sections not only of production and service workers, but also some secretaries, clerks, etc. Much of this category gets some relative privileges (i.e. benefits) from imperialism, which constitute some material basis .for being racist or pro-imperialist: but overall it is itself directly and heavily oppressed, so that in addition to its long-range class interest on the side of the people of the world, its immediate situation also constitutes a strong basis, for sharpening the struggle against the state and fighting through to revolution. Secondly, there is the upper strata of the working class. This is also an extremely broad category, including the upper strata of unionized skilled workers and also most of the ‘new working class’ of proletarianized or semi -proletarianized I‘intellect workers.’ There is no clearly marked dividing line between the previous section and this one; our conclusions in dealing with “questionable” strata will in any event have to come from more thorough analysis of particular situations. The long-range class interests of this strata, like the previous section of more 24 oppressed workers, are for the revolution and agaix st imperialism. However, it is characterized by a higher level of privilege relative to the oppressed colonies, including the blacks, and relative to more oppressed workers in the mother country; so that there 15 a strong material basis for racism and loyalty to the system. in a revolutionary situation, where the people’s forces were on the offensive and the ruling class was clearly losing, most of this upper strata of the working class will be winnable to the revolution; while at least some sections of it will probably identify their interests with imperialism till the end and oppose the revolution (which parts do which will have to do with more variables than just the particular level of privilege). The further development of the situation will clarify where this section will go, although it is deart‘ .1at either way we do not put any emphasis on reaching older employed workers from this strata at this time. The exreption is where they are important to the black liberation struggle, the Third World, or the youth movement in particular situations, such as with teachers, hospital technicians, etc., in which cases we must fight particularly hard to organize them around a revolutionary line of full support for black liberation and the international revolution against US imperialism. This is crucial because the privilege of this section of the working class has provided and will provide a strong material basis for national chauvinist and social democratic ideology within the movement, such as anti—internationalist concepts of 'student power” and “workers control.” Another consideration in understanding the interests of this segment is that, because of the way it developed and how its skills and its privileges were ‘earned over time,” the differential between the position of youth and older workers is in many ways greater for this section than any other in the population. We should continue to see it as important to build the revolutionary youth movement among the youth of this strata. ' Thirdly, there are “middle strata' who are not petit bourgeoisie, who may even technically be upper working class, but who are so privileged and tightly fed to imperialism through their job roles that they are agents of imperialism. This section includes management personnel, corporate lawyers, higher civil servants, and other government agents. army officers, etc. Because their job categories require and promotea close identification with the interests of the ruling class, these strata are enemies of the revolution. Fourthly, and last among the categories we’re goingto deal with, is the pet”: bourgeoisie. This class is different from the middle level described above, in that it has “independent era‘s interest which is opposed to both monopoly power and to socnlisn. The petit bourgeoisie ct‘nsists of small capital—both business and farms— and self—employed tradesmen and professionals (many professionals work for monopoly capital, and are'either the upper level of the working. class or in the agents—of-imperialism category). ‘l'he content of its independent class interests—anti-monopoly capital but for capitalism rather than socialism—gives itapolitical character of some opposition to _'big goverm‘nent,’ like its increased spending and taxes and its totalitarian extension, of its control into every aspect of life, and . to ‘big labor,” which is at this time itself part of the monopoly capitalist power structure. The direction which this opposition takes can be reactionary or reformist. At this time the reformist side of it is very much mitiga'ed by the extent to which the independence of the petit bourgeoisie is being undermined. Increasingly, small buSinesses are becoming extensions of big ones, while professionalsand self-employed tradesmen less" and less sell their skills on their own terms and become regular employees of big firms. This tendency does not mean that the reformist "aspect is not still present; https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ecc2e7025de6b622a6c68ebcc1921f3e.tif 1d36552ea5f9aac2323c1c0faeca2dd9 PDF Text Text it is, and there are various issues, like withdrawing from a losing imperialist war, where we could get support from them. On the question of imperialism as a system, however, their class interests are generally more for it than for overthrowing it, and it will be the deserters from their class who stay with us. VIII. WHY A REVOLUTIONARY YOUTH MOVEMENT? In terms of the above analysis, most young pe0ple in the US are part of'the worldng class. Although not yet employed, young people whose parents sell their lanor power for wages, and more important who themselves expect to do the same in the future—or go into the army or be unemployed—~are undeniably members of the working class. Most kids are well aware of what class they are in, even though they may not be very scientific about it. So our analysis assumes from the beginning that youth struggles are, by and large, working class struggles. But why the focus now on the struggles of working class youth rather than on the working class as a whole? The potential for revolutionary consciousness does not always always correspond to ultimate class interest, particularly when imperialism is relatively prosperous and the movement is. in an early stage. At this stage, we see working class youth as those most. open to a revolutionary movement which sides with the struggles of Third World people: the following is an attempt to explain a strategic focus on youth for SDS. In general, young people have less stake in a society (no family, fewer debts, etc.), are more open to new ideas (they have not been brainwashed for so long , or. so well), and are therefore more able and willing to move in a revolutionary direction. Specifically in America, young people have grown up experiencing the crises in imperialism. They have grown up along with a developing black liberation movement, with the liberation of Cuba, the fights for independence in Africa, and the war in Vietnam. lder people grew up uring the fight against Fascism, during the cold war, the smashing of the trade unions, McCarthy, and a period during which real wages consistently rose—since 1965 disposable real income has decreased slightly, particularly in urban areas where inflation and increased taxation have bitten heavily into wages. This crisis in imperialism affects all parts of the society. America has had to militarize to protect and expand its Empire; hence the high draft calls and the creation of a standing army of three and a half million, an army which still has been unable to win in Vietnam. Further, the huge defense expenditures—required for the defense of the empire and at the same time a way of making increasing profits for the defense industries—have gone hand in hand with the urban crisis around welfare, the hospitals, the schools, housing, air, and water pollution. The State cannot provide the'services it has been forced to assume responsibility for, and needs to increase taxes and to pay its growing debts while it cuts services and uses the pigs to repress protest. The private sector of the economy can’t provide jobs, particularly unskilled jobs. .Tha mmansinn of the defense and education industries by the State since World War Ii is in part an attempt to pick up the slack, though the inability to provide decent wages and working conditions for “public” jobs is more and more a problem. As imperialism struggles to hold together this decaying social fabric, it inevitably resorts to brute force and authoritarian ideology. People, especially young people, more and more find themselves in the iron grip of authoritarian institutions. Reaction against the pigs or teachers in the schools, welfare pigs or the army is,generalizable and extends beyond the particular repressive institution to the society and the State as a whole. The legitimacy of the State is called 25 into question for the first time in at least 30 years, and the anti~authoritarianism which characterizes the youth rebellion turns into rejection of the State, a refusal to be socialized into American society. Kids used to try to beat the system from inside the army or from inside the schools; now they desert from the army and burn down the schools. The crisis in imperialism has brought about a breakdown in bourgeois social forms, culture and ideology. The family falls apart, kids leave home, women begin to break out of traditional 'female” and “mother” roles. There develops a “generation gap’ and a' “youth problem.” Our heroes are no longer struggling businessmen, and we also begin to reject the ideal career of the professional and look to Mao, Che, the Panthers, the Third World, for our models, for motion. We reject the elitist, technocratic bullshit that tells us only experts can rule, and look instead to leadership from the people's war of the Vietnamese. Chuck Berry, Elvis, the Temptations brought us closer to the “people’s culture" of Black America. The racist response to the civil rights movement revealed the depth of- racism in America, as well as the impossibility of real change through American institutions. And thegwar against Vietnam is not ‘the heroic war against the Nazis’; it’s the big lie, with napalm burning through everything we had heard this country stood for. Kids begin to ask questions: Where is the Free World? And who do the pigs protect at home? ' The breakdown in bourgeois culture and concomitant anti-authoritarianism is fed by the crisis inimperialism, but also in turn feeds that crisis, exacerbates it so that people no longer merely want the plastic ’505 restored, but glimpse an alternative (like inside the Columbia buildings) and begin to fight for it. We don’t want. teachers to be more kindly cops; we want to smash cops, and build a new life. The contradictions of decaying imperialism {all hardest on youth in four distinct areas—the schools, jobs, the draft and the army, and the pigs and the courts. (A) In jail—like schools, kids are fed a mish-mash of racist, male chauvinist, anti - working class, anti - communist lies while being channelled into job and career paths set up according to the priorities of monopoly capital. At the same time, the State is becoming increasingly incapable of providing enough money to keep the schools going at all. (8) Youth unemployment is three times average unemployment. As more jobs are threatened by automation or the collapse of specific industries, unions act to secure jobs for those already employed. New people in the labor market can’t find jobs, job stability is undermined (also because of increasing speed~up and more intolerable safety conditions) and people are less and less going to work in the same shop for 40 years. And, of course, when they do find jobs, young people get the worst ones and have the least seniority. (C) There are now two and a half million soldiers under thirty who are forced to police the world, kill and be killed in wars of imperialist domination. And (D) as a ‘youth problem” develops out of all this, the pigs and courts enforce curfews, set up pot busts, keep people off the streets, and repress any youth motion whatsoever. In all of this, it is not that life in America is toughest for youth or that they are the most oppressed. Rather, it is that young people are hurt directly—and severely ——by imperialism. And, in being less tightly tied to the system, they are 'more “pushed” to join the black liberation struggle against US imperialism.Amongyoung people there is less of a material base for racism—— they have no seniority, have not spent 20 years securing a skilled job (the white monopoly of whichis increasingly challenged by the black liberation movement), and aren’t just about to pay off a 25-year mortgage on ahouse which is valuable because it’s located in a white neighborhood. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/a048fa79d0b72d9d734c93618fea6811.tif 563eac7b9a82c15dcfd7253ff39081f2 PDF Text Text While these contradictions of imperialism fall hard on all youth, they fall hardest on the youth of the 33:4,." oppressed (least privileged) sections of the w’ormni. class. Clearly these youth have the greatest materia. base for struggle. They are the ones wit) most :il'tm get drafted, who get the worst jobs if they get any, who are most abused by the various institutions of social control from the army to decaying schools, to the pigs and the courts}. .‘\nd their day-to-day e\istence indicates a potential for militancy and toughness. ’l‘hey are the people whom we can reach who at this stage are most ready to engage in militant revolutionary struggle. The point of the rtw'olutionary youth movement strategy is to move frotn a predominant student elite base to more oppressed (less privileged) working class youth as a way of deepening and expanding the revolutionary youth movement—not of giving up what we have gained, not giving up our old car for a new Dodge. This is part of a strategy to reach the entire working class to engage in struggle against imperiilism; moving from more privileged sections of white working class youth to more oppressed sections to the entire working class as a whole, including importantly what has classically been called the industrial proletariat. But this should not be taken to mean that there is a magic moment, after we reach a certain percentage of :ne working class, when all of a sudden we become a working class movement. We are already that if we put forward internationalist proletarian politics. \le also don’t have to wait to become a revolutionary forcu We must be a self—conscious revolutionary force from the beginning, not be a movement which takes issues to some mystical group—“'llll-Z l’liHi’lJP—who will make the revolutiom We must be a revolutionary movement of people understanding the necessity to reach more people, all working people, as we make the revolution. The above arguments make it clear that it is both important and possible to reach young people wherever they are—not only in the shops, but also in the schools. in the army, and in the streets—so as to recruit them to fight on the side of the oppressed peoples of the world‘) Young people will be part of the International Liberation Army. The necessity to build this International Liberation Army in America leads to certain priorities in practice for the revolutionary youth movement which we should begin to apply this summer. .. . IX. IMPERIALISM IS THE ISSUE. “The Communists are distinguished from the other working class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletariat of different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere' represent the interests of the movement as a whole.” (Communist Manifesto) How do we reach youth; what kinds of struggles do we build; how do we make a revolution? What we have tried to lay out so far is the political content of the consciousness which we want to extend and develop as a mass consciousness: the necessity to build our power as part of the whole international revolution to smash the state power of the imperialists and build socialism. Besides consciousness of this task, we must involve masses of peOple in accomplishing it. Yet we are faced with a situation in which almost all of the people whose interests are served by these goals, and 26 who should be, or even are, sympathetic to revolution, neither understand the specific tasks involved in making a revolution nor participate in accomplishing them. (in the whole, people don’t join revolutions just becauée revolutionaries tell. them to. The oppression of the system affects people in particular ways, and the development of political consciousness and participation begins with particular problems, which turn into issues and struggles. \\e must transform people’s everyday problems, and the issues and struggles growing out of them, into revolutionary consciousness, active and conscious opposition to racism and imperialism. This is directly counterposed to assuming that Struggles around immediate issues will lead naturally over time to struggle against imperialism.‘lt has been argued that since people’s oppression is due to imperialism and racism, then any struggle against immediate oppression is "objectively anti-imperialist,” and the development of the fight against imperialism is a succession of fights for reforms. This error is classical economism. ~ .\ variant of this argument admits that this position is often wrong, but suggests that since imperialism is collapsing at this time, fights for reforms become “objectively anti—imperialist.” : \t this stage of imperialism there obviously will be more and more struggles for the improvement of material conditions, but that is no guarantee of increasing intemationalist prelei irian Consciousness. ‘ln the one hand, if we, as revolutionaries, are capable of understanding the necessity to smash imperialism and build socialism, then the masses of people who we want to fight'along with us are capable of that understanding. (in the other hand, people are brainwashed and at present don’t understand it; .if revolution is not raised at every Opportunity, then how can we CXDect neonle to see it in their interests, or to undertake the burdens of revolution '3 We need to make it clear from the very beginning that we are about revolution But if we are so careful to avoid the dangers of reformism, how do we relate to particular reform struggles‘.‘ “e have to develop some sense of how to relate each paiiiCalar issue to the revolution. In evtry case. air aim is Lo raise anti-imperialist and anti-racist consciousness and tie the struggles of working class youth (and all working people) to tie struggles of Third World people. rather than merely ioining fights to improve maria! conditions eyaithough these fights are Certainly justified. This is not to sav that we don’t take immediate fights seriously, or fight hard in them, but that we are always up front with our politics, knowing that people in the course of struggle are open to a class line, ready to move beyond narrow self—intere;t. _ It is in this sense that we point out that the particular issue is not the issue, is important insofar as it points to imperialism as an enemy that has to be destroyed Imperialism is always the issue. Obviously, the issue cannot be a good illustration, or a powerful symbol, if it is not real to people, if it doesn’t relate to the concrete oppression that imperialism causes. People have to be (and are being) hurt in some material way to understand the evils of imperialism, but whatwe must stress is the systematic nature of oppression and the way in which a single manifestation of imperialism makes clear its fundamental nature. At Columbia it was not the gym, in particular, which was important in the struggle, but the way in which the gym represented, to the peeple of Harlem and Columbia, Columbia’s imperialist invasion of the black colony. Or at Berkeley, though people no doubt needed a park (as much, however, as many other things ‘?), what made the struggle so important was that people, 'at all levels of militancy. consciously 'saw themselves attacking private property and the power of the stateo And the Richmond Oil Strike was exciting because the militant fight for improvement https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0f2a8834dff37fab7fbfc6ab5641a4f8.tif 3b7bb2113f3a79dc468d3875b0bec16e PDF Text Text of material conditions was part and parcel of an attack on international monopoly capitalg The numbers and militancy of people mobilized for these struggles has consistently surprised the left, and pointed to the potential power of a class—conscious mass movement. The masses will fight for socialism when they understand that reform fights, fights for improvement of material conditions, cannot be won underimperialism. With this understanding, revolutionaries should never put forth a line which fosters the illusion that imperialism will grant significant reforms. We must engage in struggles forthrightly as revolutionaries, so that it will be clear to anyone we help to win gains that the revolution rather than imperialism is responsible for them. This is one of the strengths of the Black Panther Party Breakfast for Children Program. It is “socialism in practice” by revolutionaries with the “practice” of armed self—defense and a “line” which stresses the necessity of overthrowing imperialism and seizing state power. Probably the American Friends Service Committee serves more children breakfast, but it is the symbolic value of the program in demonstrating what socialism will do for people which makes it worthwhile. What does it mean to organize around racism and imperialism in specific struggles? In the high schools (and colleges) at this time, it means puttingforth a mass line to close down the schools, rather than to reform them so that they can serve the people. The reason for this line is not that under capitalism the schools cannot serve the peOple, and therefore it is silly or illusory to demand that. Rather it is that kids are ready for the full scope of militant struggle, and already demonstrate a consciousness of imperialism, such that struggles for a people—serving school would not raise the level of their struggle to its highest possible point. Thus, to tell a kid in New York that imperialism tracks him and thereby oppresses him is often small potatoes compared to his consciousness that imperialism oppresses him by jailing him, pigs and all, and the only thing to do is break out and tear up the jail. And even where high school kids are not yet engaged in such sharp struggle, it is crucial not to build consciousness only around specific issues such as tracking or ROTC or racist teachers, but to use these issues to build toward the general consciousness that the schools should be shut down. It may be important to present a conception of what schools should or could be like (this would include the abolition of the distinction between mental and physical work), but not offer this total conception as really possible to fight for in any way but through revolution. A mass line to close down the schools or colleges does not contradict demands for open admiSSll.nS to college or any other good reform demand. Agitational demands for impossible, but reasonable, reforms are a good way to make a revolutionary point. The demand for open admissions by asserting the alternative to the present (school) system exposes itsfundamental nature —that it is racist, class—based, and closed—pointing to the only possible solution to the present sittation: “Shut it down!” The impossibility of real open admissions—all black and brown people admitted, no Kink-out, full scholarship, under present conditions- is the best reason (that the schools show no possibility for real reform) to shut the schools down. We should not throw away the pieces of victories we gain from these struggles, for any kind of more open admissions means that the school is closer to closing down (it costs the schools more, there are more militant blacks and browns making more and more fundamental demands on the schools, and so on). Thus our line in the schools, in terms of pushing any good reforms should be, ‘open them up and shut them downl' 27 The spread of black caucuses in the shops and other workplaces throughout the country is an extension of the black liberation struggle. These groups have raised and will continue to raise anti—racist issues to white workers in a sharper fashion than any whites ever have or could raise them. Blacks leading struggles against racism has made the issue unavoidable, as the black student movement leadership did for white students. At the same time these black groups have led fights which traditional trade-union'leaders have consistently refused to lead—fights against speed-up and for safety (issues which have become considerably more serious in the last few years), forcing white workers, particularly the more oppressed, to choose in another way between allegiance to the white mother country and black leadership. As white mother country radicals we should try to be in shops, hospitals, and companies where there are black caucuses, perhaps organizing solidarity groups, but at any rate pushing the importance of the black liberation struggle to whites, handing out Free Huey literature, bringing guys out to Panther rallies, and so on. Just one white guy. could playa crucial role in countering UAW counter—insurgency. We also need to relate to workplaces where there is no black motion but where there are still many young white workers. In the shops the crisis in imperialism has come down around speed-up, safety, and wage squeeze—due to higher taxes and increased inflation, with the possibility of wage—price controls being instituted. . We must relate this exploitation back to imperialism. The best way to do this is probably not caucuses in the .shops, but to take guys to city-wide demonstrations, Newsreels, even the latest administration building, to make the movement concrete to them and involve them in it. Further, we can effect consciousness and pick up people through agitational work at plants, train stops, etc., selling Movements, handing out leaflets about the war, the Panthers, the companies’ holdings overseas or relations to defense industry, etc. After the Richmond strike, people leafleted about demonstrations in support of the Curacao Oil workers, Free Huey May Day, and People’s Park. SDS has not dealt in any adequate way with the women question; the resolution passed at Ann Arbor did not lead to much practice, nor has the need to fight male supremacy been given any programmatic direction within the RYM, As a result, we have a very limited understanding of the tie-up between imperialism and the women question, although we know that since World War II the differential between men’s and women’s wages has increased, and guess that the breakdown of the family is crucial to the woman question. How do we organize women against racism and imperialism without submerging the principled revolutionary question of women’s liberation? We have no real answer, but we recognize the real reactionary danger of women’s groups that are not self—consciously revolutionary ahd anti-imperialist. To become more relevant to the growing women’s movement, SDS women should begin to see as a primary responsibility the self—conscious organizing of women. We will not be able to organize women unless we speak directly to their own oppression. This will become more and more critical as we work with more Oppressed. women. Women who are working and women who have families face male supremacy continuously in their day-to—day lives; that will have to be the starting paint in their politicization. Women will never be able to undertake a full revolutionary role unless they break out of their woman’s role. So a crucial task for revolutionaries is the creation of forms of organization in which women will be able to take on new and independent -roles. Women’s self-defense groups wiil be a step toward these organizational forms, as an effort to overcome women’s isolation and build revolutionary self—2 eliam e. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/6cef49938ae21af9fd12a04d47f0bc15.tif 94cb2cbebe09adca57af473fd6760d30 PDF Text Text 'l'he cultural revolt of women against their “role” in imperialism (which is just beginning to happen in a mass way) should have the same sort of revolutionary potential that the RYM claimed for “youth culture." The role of the “wife—mother” is reactionary in most modern societies, and the disintegration of that role under imperialism should make women more sympathetic to revolution. In all of our work we should try to formulate demands that not only reach out to more oppressed women, bun ones which tie us to other ongoing struggles, in the way that a day—care center at U of C enabled us to tie the women’s liberation struggle to the black liberation struggle. There must be a strong revolutionary women’s movement, for without one it will be impossible for women’s liberation to be an important part of the revolution. Revolutionaries must be made to understand the full scope of women’s oppression, and the necessity to smash male supremacy. X. NElGllBUllllOOD-BASED CITY—WIDE YOUTH MOVEMENT One way to make clear the nature of the system and our tasks working off of separate struggles is to tie them together with each other: to show that we’re one “multi-issue” movement, not an alliance of high school and college students, or students and CPS, or youth and workers, or students and the black community. The way to do this is to build organic regional or subregional and city—wide movements, by regularly bringing people in one institution or area to fights going on on other fronts. This works on two levels. Within a neighborhood, by bringing kids to different fights, and relating these fights to each other—high school stuff, colleges, housing, welfare, shops—we begin to build one neighborhood based multi-issue movement off of them. Besides actions and demonstrations, we also pull different people together in day-to—day film showings, rallies, for speakers and study groups, etc. On a second level, we combine neighborhood “bases” into a city—wide o: region—wide movement by doing the same kind of thing; concentrating our forces at whatever important struggles are going on and building more ongoing interrelationships off of that. ' The importance of specifically neighborhood-based organizing is illustrated by our greatest failing in RYM practice so far—high school organizing. In most cities we don’t know the kids who have been tearing up and burning down the schools. Our approach has been elitist, relating to often baseless city-wide groups by bringing them our line, or picking up kids with a false understanding of “politics” rather than those whose practice demonstrates their concrete anti-imperialist consciousness that schools are prisons. We’ve been unwilling to work continuously with high school kids as we did in building up college chapters. We will only reach the high school kids who are in motion by being in the schoolyards, hangouts and on the streets on an every-day basis. From a neighborhood base high school kids could be effectively tied in to struggles around other institutions and issues, and to the anti-imperialist movement as a whole. We will try to involve neighborhood kids who aren’t in high schools too; take them to anti—war or anti-racism fights, stuff in the schools, etc.; and at the same time reach out more broadly through newspapers, films, storefronts. Activists and cadres who are recruited in this work will help expand and deepen the movement in new 'eighborhoods and high schools. Mostly we will still be tied in to the college—based movement in the same area, be influencing its direction away from campus~oriented provincialism, be recruiting high school 28 kids into it where it is real enough and be recruxting organizers out of it. In its most developed form, this neighbnl‘hOfU-bascd movement would be a kind of sub region. In places where the movement wasn’t so strong, this would be an important form for being close to kids in a duy-to-day way and yet be relating heavily to a lot of issues and political fronts which the same. kids are involved with. 'l‘hc second level is combining these neighborhoods into city-wide and regional movements. This would mean doing the same thing—bringing people to other fights going on—only on a larger scale relating to various blow—ups and regional mobilizations. An example is how a lot of people from different places wentto San Francisco State, the Richmond Oil Strike, and now Berkeley. The existence of this kind of cross—motion makes ongoing organizing in other places go faster and stronger, first by creating a pervasive politicization, and second by relating everything to the most militant and advanced struggles going on so that they influence and set the pace for a lot more people. Further, cities are a basic unit of organization of the whole society in a way that neighborhoods aren’t. For example, one front where we should be doing stuff is the courts; they are mostly organized city—wide, not by smaller areas. The same for the city government itself. Schools where kids go are in different neighborhoods from where they live. especially colleges; the same for hospitals peopic go to, and where they work. As a practical question of staying with people we pick up, the need for a city-wide or area—wide kind of orientation is already felt in our movement Another failure of this year was making clear what the RYM meant for chapter members and students who weren’t organizers about to leave their campus for a _ community college, high school, GI organizing, shops or neighborhoods. One thing it means for them is relating heavily to off—campus activities and struggles, as part of the city-wide motion. Not leaving the campus movement like people did for ERAP stuff; rather, people still organized on the campus participating in off—campus struggles, the way they have in the past for national actions. Like the national actiors, the city-wide ones will build the on—campus movement, not compete with it. Because the movement will be defining itself in relation to many issues and groups, not just schools (and the war and racism as they hit at the schools), it will create a political context that non—students can relate to better, and be more useful to organizing among high School students, neighborhood kids, the mass of people. In the process, it will change the consciousness , of the students too; if the issues are right and the movement fight» them, people will developacommitrnent u. tiw 5D'Ilgyle :is a whole, and an understandingof the need to he icyolutionaries rather than a “student movement.” Building in revolutionary youth move-man will depend on organizing in a lot of places where we haven’t been, and just tying the student movement to other issues and struggles isn’t a substitute for that. But given our limited resources we must also lead the on-campus motion into a RYM direction, and we can make great gains toward city—wide youth movements by doing it. Three principles underly this multi - issue, “cross-institutional” movement, on the neighborhood and city—wide levels, as to why it creates greater revolutionary consciousness and active participation in the revolution: (1) Mixing different issues, struggles and groups demonstrates our analysis to people in a material way. We claim there is one system and so all these different problems have the same solution, revolution. If they are the same struggle in the end, we should make that clear from the beginning. On this basis we must aggressively https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1bf758de32f14a9efd93adedc8c72f07.tif 393879f3434a8c0817d683b9af451506 PDF Text Text .smash the notion that there can be outside agitators on a question pertaining to the imperialists. (2) ‘llelating to Motion”: the struggle activity, the action, of the movement demonstrates our existence and strength to people in a material way. Seeing it happen, people give it more weight in their thinking. For the participants, involvement in struggle is the best education about the movement, the enemy and the class struggle. In a neighborhood or whole city the existence of some struggle is a catalyst for other struggles—it pushes people to see the movement as more important and urgent, and as an example and precedent makes it easier for them to follow. If the participants in a struggle are based in different institutions or parts of the city, these effects are multiplied. Varied participation helps the movement be seen as political (wholly subversive) rather than as separate grievance fights. As people in one section of the movement fight beside and identify closer with other sections, the mutual catalytic effect of their struggles will be greater. ('77-) We must build a movement oriented toward power. Revolution is a power struggle, and we must develop that understanding among people from the beginning. Pooling our resources area~wide and city—wide really does increase our power in particular fights, as well as push a mutual-aid—in—struggle consciousnesso XI. THE RYM AND THE PIGS A major focus in our neighborhood and city-wide work is the pigs, because they tie together the various struggles around the state as the enemy, and thus point to the need for a movement oriented toward power to defeat it. The pigs are the capitalist state, and as such define the limits of all political struggles; to the extent that a revolutionary struggle shows signs of success, they come in and mark the point it can’t go beyond. In the early stages of struggle, the ruling class lets parens come down on high school kids, or jocks attack college chapters. When the struggle escalates the pigs come in; at Columbia, the left was afraid its struggle would be co—opted to anti—police brutality, cops off campus, and said pigs weren’t the issue. But pigs really are the issue and people will understand this, one way or another. They can have a liberal understanding that pigs are sweaty working-class barbarians who over-react and commit “police brutality’ and so shouldn’t be on campus. Or they can understand pigs as the repressiveimperialist 'state doing its job. Our job is not to avoid the issue of the pigs as “diverting” from anti-imperialist struggle, but to emphasize that they are our real enemy if we fight that struggle to win. Even when there is no organized political struggle, the pigs come down on people in everyday life in enforcing capitalist property relations, bourgeois laws, and bourgeois morality; they guard stores and factories and the rich and enforce credit and rent against the poor. The overwhelming majority of arrests in America are for crimes against property. The pigs will be coming down on the kids we’re working with in the schools, on the streets, around dope; we should focus ()nthcm, point them out all the time, like the Panthers do. We should relate the daily oppression by the pig to their role in political repression, and develop a class understanding of political power and armed force among the kids we’re with. As we develop a base these two aspects of the pig role increasingly come together. In the schools, pig is part of daily oppression—keeping order in halls and lunch rooms, controlling smoking—while at the same time pigs prevent kids from handing out leaflets, and bust “outside agitators.’ The presence of youth, or youth with long hair, becomes defined as organized political 29 struggle and the pigs react to it as such. More and more every—day activity is politically threatening, so pigs are suddenly more in evidence; this in turn generates political organization and opposition, and so on. Our task will be to catalyze this development, pushing out the conflict with the pig so as to define every strugglevschools (pigs out, pig institutes out), weldare (invading pig-protected office), the streets (curfew and turf fights)—as a struggle against the needs of capitalism and the force'of the state. Pigs don’t represent state power as an abstrac‘ principle; they are a power that we will have to overcome in the course of struggle or become irrelevant, revisionist, or dead. We must prepare concretely to meet their power because our job is to defeat the pigs and the army, and organize on that basis. Our beginnings should stress self-defense—building defense groups around karate classes, learning how to move on the street and around the neighborhood, medical training, popularizing and moving toward (according to necessity) armed selﬂdefense, all the time honoring and putting forth the principle that. ‘political power comes out of the barrel of a gun.’ These self—defense groups would initiate pig surveillance patrols, visits to the pig station and courts when someone is busted, etc. Obviously the issues around the pig will not come down by neighborhood alone; it will take at least city-wide groups able to coordinate activities against a unified enemy—in the early stages, for legal and bail resources and turning people out for demonstrations, adding the power of the city—wide movement to what may be initially only a tenuous base in a neighborhood. Struggles in one part of the city will not only provide lessons for but materially aid similar motion in the rest of it. . Thus the pigs are ultimately the glue—the necessoty -—-that holds the neighborhood-based and city-wide movement together; all of our concrete needs-lead to pushing the pigs to the fore as a political focus: (1) making institutionally oriented reform struggles deal with state power, by pushing out struggle till either winning or getting pigged. (2) using the city-wide inter-relation of fights to raise the level of struggle and further large-scale anti —pig movement-power consciousness. (3) developing spontaneous anti—pig consciousness in our neiglborhoods to an understanding of imperialism, class struggle and the state. A (4) and using the city-wide movement as a platform for reinforcing and extending this politicization work, like by talking about getting together a city-wide neighborhood-based mutual aid anti-pig self-defense network. All of this can be done through city-wide agitation and propaganda and picking certain issues—to have as the central regional focus for the whole movement. XII. REPRESSION AND REVOLUTIOI‘t As institutional fights and anti-pig self-defense off of them intensify, so will the ruling class’s repression. Their escalation of repression will inevitably continue according to how threatening the movement is to their power. Our task is not to avoid or end repression; that can always be done by pulling back, so we’re not dangerous enough to require crushing. Sometimes it is correct to do that as a tactical retreat, to survive to fight again. ' To defeat repression, however. is not to stop it but to go on building the movement tobe more dargerous to them; in which case, defeated at one level, repression wxll escalate even more. To succeed in defending the movement, and not just ourselves at its expense, we will have to successively meet and overcome these greater and greater levels of repression. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0b2e04ceaa274cb208447c832704491a.tif e221a7763611d5c6ca80529e11f844b9 PDF Text Text 'l‘o be winning will thus necessarily, as imperialism’s lesser efforts fail, bring about a phase of all—out military repression. To survive and grow in the face ofvthat will require more than a larger base of supporters; it will require the invincible strength of a mass base at a high level of active participation and consciousness, and can only come from mobilizing the self-conscious creativity, will and determination of the people. Each new escalation of the struggle in response to new levels of repression, each protracted struggle around self-defense which becomes a material fighting force, are part of the international strategy of solidarity with Vietnam and the blacks, through opening up other fronts. They are anti-war, anti-imperialist and pro-black liberation. If they involve fighting the enemy, then these struggles are part of the revolution. Therefore, clearly the organization and active conscious participating mass base needed to survive repression are also the same needed for winning the revolution. The Revolutionary Youth Movement speaks to the need for this kind of active mass-based movement by tying city-wide motion back to community youth bases, because this brings us close enough to kids in their day-fo—day lives to organize their “maximum active participation” around enough different kinds of fights to push the "highest level of consciousness” about imperialism, the black vanguard, the state and the need for armed struggle. XIII. THE NEED FOR A , REVOLUTIONARY PARTY The RYM must also lead to the effective organization needed to survive and to create another battlefield of the revolution. A revolution is a war; when the movement in this country can defend itself militarily against total repression it will be part of the revolutionaryfwar. This will require a cadre organization, effective secrecy, self-reliance among the cadres, and an integrated relationship with the active mass~based movement. To win a war with an enemy as highly organized and centralized as the imperialists will ' require a (clandestine) organization of revolutionaries, having also a unified “general staff”; that is, combined .at some point with discipline under one centralized leadership. Because war is political, political tasks-— the international communist revolution—must guide it. Therefore the centralized organization of revolutionaries must be a political organization as well as military, what is generally called a “Marxist-Leninist' party. How will we accomplish the building of this kind of organization? It is clear that we couldn’t somehow form such a party at this time, because the conditions for it do not exist in this country outside the black nation. What are these conditions? One is that to have a unified centralized organization it is necessary to have a common revolutionary theory which explains, at least generally, the nature of our revolutionary tasks and how to accomplish them. It must be a set of ideas which have been tested and developed in the practice of resolving the important contradictions in our work. A second condition is the existence of revolutionary leadership tested in practice. To have a centralized party under illegal and repressive conditions requires a centralized leadership, specific individuals with the understanding and the ability to unify and guide the movement in the face of new problems and be right most of the time. Thirdly, and most important, there must be the same revolutionary mass base mentioned earlier, or (better) revolutionary mass movement. It is clear that without this there can’t be the practical experience to know whether or not a theory, or a leader, is any good at all. 30 Without practical revolutionary activity on a mass scale the party could not test and develop new ideas and draw conclusions with enough consistently base its survival on them. ESpecially, no revolutionary party could possibly survive without relying on the active support and participation of masses. of people. These conditions for the development of a revolutionary party in this country are the main “conditions” for winning. There are two kinds of tasks for us. One is the organization of revolutionary collectives within the movement. Our theory must come from practice, but it can’t be developed in isolation. Only a collective pooling of our experiences can develop a thorough understanding of the complex conditions in this country. In the same way, only our collective efforts toward a common plan can adequately test the ideas we develop. The development of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist collective formations which undertake this concrete evaluation and application of the lessons of our work is not just the task of specialists .or leaders, but theresponsibility of every revolutionary. Just as a collective is necessary to sum up experiences and apply them locally, equally the collective inter—relationship of groups all over the country is necessary to get an accurate view of the whole movement and to apply that in the whole country. Over time, those collectives which prove themselves \ll’l practice to have the correct understanding (by the results they get) will contribute toward the creation of a unified revolutionary party. The most important task for us toward making the revolution, and the work our collectives should engage in, is the creation of a mass revolutionary movement, without which a clandestine revolutionary party will be impossible. A revolutionary mass movement is different from the traditional revisionist mass base of “sympathizers.” Rather it is akin to the Red Guard in China, based on the full participation and involvement of masses of people in the practice of making revolution; a movement with a full willingness to participate in the violent and illegal struggle. It is a movement diametrically opposed to the elitist idea that only leaders are smart enough or interested enough to accept full revolutionary conclusions. It is a movement built on the basis of faith in the masses of people. The task of collectives is to create this kind of movement. (The party is not a substitute for it, and in, fact is totally dependent on it.) This will be done at this stage principally among youth, through implementing the Revolutionary Youth Movement strategy discussed in this paper. It is practice at this, and not political “teachings” in the abstract, which will determine the relevance of the political collectives which are formed. ’ The strategy of the RYM for developing an active mass be se, tying the city-wide fights to community and city-wide anti-pig movement, and for building a party eventually out of this motion, fits with the world strategy for winning the revolution, builds a movement oriented toward power, and will become one division, of the International Liberation Army, while its battlefields are added to the many Vietnams which will dismember and dispose of (IS imperialism. Long Live the Victory of People's War! surety behind them to. revolutionary - https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/fab4db75d4ce7721f3d7521bf8d72bff.tif b0d8d17701a38418ab697ea3c83875ab PDF Text Text WITHOUT A SCIENCE OF NAVIGATION WE CANNOT SAIL IN STORMY SEAS OR SOONER OR LATER ONE OF US MUST KNOW Noel Ignatin,Chicogo Revolutionary League The main significance of the SDS Convention held from June I8-22 in Chicago is that it represents the first time since the Civil War and Reconstruction period that a convention made up almost entirely of whites was held which focused on the national—colonial question as the pivot of struggle and unity. The fact that it was a convention of students rather than proletarians was an important factor in shaping its proceedings. The Convention took place against the general background of sharpening class struggles in the world, and espe— cially the rise to pre-eminence of the struggles for national liberation of the oppressed peoples both outside and within the U.S. It relfected the general rise in consciousness among white U.S. radicals that the principal con— tradiction in the world today is that between U.S. imperialism and the nations it oppresses. This general rise in consciousness was exPressed in the outstanding pcnsitive achievment of the Convention: the expulsion of PLP as a group of finds and traitors to the world-wide struggles of the oppressed. An important role in bringing about the expulsion was played by representatives of the oppressed peoples themselves, spe- cifically spokesmen for the Black Panther Party, the Young Lords Organization and the Brown Berets. PLP re- presents a specific variant of bourgeois ideology, best characterized as social—chauvinism, that is, socialist in words and chauvinist in deeds— talk about international proletarian solidarity and a practical united front with U.S. imperialism against the oppressed peoples. The most pressing task for the movement in general, and SDS in particular, is the total isolation and defeat of P LP and the policies it represents. The question of the fight against PLP is not an internal one for SDS. It is a reflection of the fight against bourgeois ideology and politics which goes on constantly among the people as the main work of proletarian revolutionaries. It would be the gravest error to make a separationbetween the fight against PLP within the movement and the fight against bourgeois ideology among the masses. EITHER BOURGEOIS OR PROLETARIAN IDEOLOGY Although PLP may temporarily be set back by advancing a more radical sounding form of bourgeois ideology, in the final analysis it can only be defeated on the basis of proletarian ideology and the practice derived From it. That is why it is necessary to examine the struggle between two lines which took place at the Convention both before and after the expulsion of PLP. In order to do this it is necessary to examine the paper You Don't Need a Weatherman to Know Which Way The Wind Blows, published in the Convention issue of NW. The documeTnt is especially importantbeca—u-se it @e—s-e—n-fs The-Thinking of the maiority of the national leadership which emerged from the Convention. All three national secretaries are signers of the paper; five of the eight members of the NIC (including two more signers) have been associated with its line. Therefore, every member of SDS should study it, and should not allow its length to deter him from that task. ' The first thing that must be noted is the title, which gave us pause when we first read it. On further reflec— tion it became clear that its meaning could be best brought out by counterposing it to Lenin's famous dictum: ”Without a revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement. " In spite of its title, however, 'it would be a serious underestimation to think that Weatherman does not present a political line. On the contrary, its writers are to be commended for setting forth in generally clear and consistent terms a definite political line. The question is: what class does that line serve? I While the principal contradiction of the present epoch is that between U.S. imperialism and the nations it oppresses, the fundamental contradiction is , always has been and always will be, as long as capitalism ex- ists, that between socialized production and capitalistic appropriation, manifesting itself as a contradic- tion between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. The central question of political economy, towhich Marx devoted his life to answering, is -- how do the in- 3] https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/f8b3e9c309b5de114398493afe909054.tif 4242f4d20d51de24abff0d74cfc7070b PDF Text Text Jaw-W W terests of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie stand in relation to each other? After a great deal of observa— tion and participation, Marx summarized his findings, in Wage—Labor and Capital: "We see, therefore, that even if we remain within the relation of capital and wage—Tabor, the inf-e-fests of capital and the interests of wage labor are diametrically opposed. " From that discovery, Marx drew the conclusion - "Working men of all countries- unite!" Now, one hundred years late, along comes Weatherman , with a "new" answer, which "improves" on Marx: We are within the heartland of a world—wide monster, 0 country so rich from its world-wide plunder that even the crumbs doled out to the enslaved masses within its borders provide for material existence very much above the conditions of the masses of people of the world. The US empire, as a world-wide system, channels wealth, based upon the labor and resources of the rest of the world, into the United States. The relative affluence existing in the United States is directly dependent upon the labor and natural resources of the peoples of the Third World. All of the United Airlines Astroiets, all the Holiday Inns, all of Hertz's auto- mobiles, your television set, car and wardrobe already belong, to a large degree, to. the people of the world. in other words, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat have a joint interest in plundering the dependent nations. One could hardly ask for a more direct statement. But, argue the writers of Weatherman,capitalism has de- veloped to a new stage since Marx' time and that new state, imperialism, as divided the world into oppres- sor and oppressed nations, and has in fact created a situation whereby the bourgeoisie and proletariat of the oppressor nation take part (to an unequal degree, to be sure) in the exploitation of the-oppressed nations. Yes, it is true that imperialism introduces new conditions. Lenin described these new conditions in the fol- lowing manner, in lmperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism: "lmperialism, which means the partition of the world, and the exploitaticmf other countries besides China, which means high monopoly profits for a handful of very rich countries, creates the economic possibility of corrupting the upper strata of the proletariat, and thereby fosters, gives form to, and strengthens opportunism. " Or, further, from Imperialism and the Split lithe Socioliit Movement: "The bourgeoisie of a "Great" impe— rialist power is economically able to bribe the upper strata of its workers, devoting one or tow hundred mil— lion francs a year for this purpose, because its super-profits probably amount to a billion. " Or again, from the same work: ". . .while trusts, the financial oligarchy, high prices, etc., permit the bri- bing of small upper strata, they at the same time oppress, crush, ruin and torture the masses of the pro— letariat and the semi-proletariat more than ever. " And so on. in fact, Lenin, who devoted so much attention to the connection between imperialism and the "aristocracy of labor, " who showed conclusively that opportunism in the labor movement rested mainly on the co rruption of the bribed upper strata, was always. careful to specify that the bribe was shared by only a mi- nority of the working class, even in the case of the English workers from l848—l868, when Britain enioyed the industrial and colonial monopoly of the whole world. Lenin never denied that the majority of workers in a given trade or'even a given country could, for a consi— derable time, fall under the influence of the corrupt minority. But he never conceded that they had any real stake in doing so. llWe cannot mr can anybody else—calculate exactly what portion of the proletariat is fol- lowing and will follow the social-chauvinists and opportunists. This will be revealed by the struggle, it will be definitely decided only by the socialist revolution. But we know definitely that the Idefenders of the father- land' in the imperialist war represent only a mi nority. " (ibid.) Of course, the writers of Weatherman themselves say that "the real interests of the masses of oppressed whites in this country lie with the Black Liberation struggle. . . " But how do they define "real" interests? As a whole, the long rage interests of the non-colonial sections of the working class lie with overthrowing imperialism, with supporting self-determination for the oppressed nations (in- cluding the black colony), with supporting and fighting for international socialism. How— ever, virtually all of the white working class also has short-range privileges from imperi- 32’ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/038e9889cb264bc84e4779f0916b12b9.tif bdb448358bdc0350cdefafb80c60666c PDF Text Text '1 alism, which are not false privileges but very real ones which give them an edge of ves- ted interest and tie them to a certain extent to the imperialists, especially when the lat- ter are in a relatively prosperous phase. When the imperialists are losing their empire on the other hand, these short-ranged privileged interests are seen to be temporary (even though the privileges may be relatively greater over the faster-increasing emiseration of the oppressed peoples.) The long—range interests of workers in siding with the oppressed peoples are seen more clearly in the light of imperialism's impending defeat. Within the whole working class , the balance of anti—imperialist class interests with white mother country short—term privilege varies greatly. Thus they counterpose the short—range interests of the white workers to their long—range interests. But that is not the way Lenin put it! Lenin defined opportunism as the sacrifice of the short and long-range interests of the entire working class to the temporary interests of a minority. There is all the—difference in the world be- tween the two formulations, as we shali see. And this brings us to the matter of white supremacy and the white-skin privilege, of which Weatherman makes such a muddle. Now, it is true that, in regard to the upper crust of labor - foremen, some craftsmen, those who have been able to acquire enough property or stocks to be almost independent, many union officials etc -with regard to these sectors, white supremacy, and oppression of colonial peoples in general may serve their. interests, although this is somewhat undercut by the developing crisis of imperialist policy. How do matters stand with regard to the masses of whites? Weatherman includes them in the ranks of those whose interests are served by the white~-skin privilege. And there we part company with them. WHOSE INTERESTS ARE SERVED BY WHITE—SKIN PRIVILEGES? Are the real interests of the masses of white workers the same as, or in conflict with those of Black workers on and other oppressed peoples?‘ Should white workers side with the boss, or with the Black workers? is the fight against white supremacy and the repudiation of the white-skin privilege in the real interests of white workers? The answers to the above questions are decisive in determining the whole direction of strategy for white revo— lutionaries. We were not the last to take note of the existence of white-skin privileges. In a paper, the White Blindspot, which we wrote two years ago together with Ted Allen, we pointed out: The U.S. ruling class has made a deal with the mis—leaders of American labor, and through them with the masses of white workers. The terms of the deal, worked out over the three hundred year? history 0-15 the development of capitalism in our country, are these: you wl'ite workers help us conquer the world and enslave the non-white maiority of the earth's labo— ring force, and we will repay you with a monopoly of the skilled jobs, we will cushion you against the most severe shocks of the economic cycle, provide you with health and education facilities superior to those of the non-white population, grant you the freedom to spend your money and leisure time as you wish without social restrictions, enable you on occasion to promote one of your number out of the ranks of the laboring class, and in general confer on you the material and spiritual privileges befitting your white skin. The cutting edge of that pamphlet was directed at PL, which deniedand still denies the existence of any pri- vileges accruing to whites in the U.S. However, even in that context we were careful to state, and to buttress by examples, that: "The ending of white supremacy does not pose the slightest peril to the real interests of the white workers; it definitely poses a peril to their fancied interests, their counterfeit interests, their white- skin privileges. " Let us look at the matter a little more closely, starting with three industries. in the auto industry, where white- skin privileges have been relatively less than perhaps any other, the workers for a fairly long period enioyed the best conditions of any laborers in the U.S. However, after years of acceptance by the white workers of their own monopoly in the skilled trades, the workers face speed-up, falling real wages, plant relocations and layoffs. In the mining industry, where white—skin privileges took on a more hardened form-soleaccess to the mechanized 33 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/71f96bff6b888af491b99a9bf72efaed.tif 3e9c7df45fe7316b4204f748f263875a PDF Text Text jobs which were least susceptible to automation-—the total number of Workers has been cut to one-fourth of what it was, vast areas of West Virginia and Kentucky have been laid waste, medical facilities (once the pride of or- ganized labor) are primitive, and "hillbilly heavens" have sprung up across northern cities. In the southern textile industry, where the white—skin privilege was more highly developed to mean total ex- clusion of Blacks from the mills, the workers live under conditions so degraded that in some areas they can on- Iy be described as barbaric. Three industries, three degrees of white— skin privilege. The greater and more firmly established the maivilege, the greater the ___misery. The pattern is not coincidence; in every case cited, the deterioration of the conditions of the workers, black and white, can be shown to be the result of the more or less conscious decision of the white workers to obtain, maintain or expand their social and economic white-skin privileges, which required the renunciation of proletarian class solidarity. And these examples are taken as separate industries, limited to ”the (economic) relation of capital and wage labor. " To take up the whole question of the political weakness of the U.S. proletariate, the lack of a labor party, etc.,would strengthen our argument! In what sense, then, can white supremacy be said to be in the interests, either short or long-range, of the white workers? If the acceptance of white—skin privilege is in their interests, what would the white workers have to do to run counter to their interests?! White supremacy is the real secret of the rule of the bourgeoisie and the hidden cause behind the failure of the labor movement in this country. White-skin privileges serve only the bourgeoisie, and precisely for that reason they will not let us escape them, but instead pursue us with them through every hour of our life, no matter where we go. They are poison bait. To suggest that the acceptance of white—skin privilege is in the interests of white workers is equivalent to suggesting that swallowing the worm with the hook in it is in the interests of the fish. To argue that repudiating these privileges is a "sacrifice" is to argue that the fish is making a sacrifice when it leaps from the water, flips its tail, shakes its head furiously in every direction and throws the barbed offering. Of course the class struggle involves sacrifices. Jose Marti said, "revolution is sacrifice and valor. ". And re-_ member Marx's admiration for the heroic sacrifices of the Communards, who "stormed the heavens. " The first group of white workers who take action against the white-skin privilege can expect to be visited by all the furies of a bourgeoisie being attacked at its most sensitive spot. These workers will be a Legion of John Browns, honored forever for the sacrifices they will surely have to make. But one thing they will not be sacrificing is their class interests, either short or long-range. To argue otherwise IS to make a mockery of proletarian morality, which :5 always consistent with the class interests of the proletariat. One of two things - EITHER the struggle against white supremacy is in both the short and long-range class interests of white workers, in which case they can be wan to it: OR it is not in their short-range interests but is in their interests later on, in which case we will never get to "later on. " REVOLUTIONARY WORKERS OR RATS LEAVING A SINKING SHIP Weatherman is in fact telling white workers that they do not have to fight white supremacy now, since they benefit from it, but at some point in the future they will have to. Isn't this the same old tired line of every white chauvinist' socialist‘l group from the Socialist Party to PLP? Isn't this saying to the white workers, in essence, that socialism Is good for all of us, but as long as we have capitalism we ought to have the most voracious, predatory type, since it brings us benefits' In the short run? (At the recent NIC, one of the lead- ing theoreticians of the Weatherman position argued,' In relation to pre-World War II Germany, that while socialism was clearly' In the interests of the workers, as long as they were not in a position to establish it, their interests were better served by Hitler than by the old bourgeois democratic regime. He did not say what kept the German workers from being in a position to establish socialism.) Of course, the framers of Weatherman argue that the benefits of imperialism are being eroded by the resis- tance of the oppressed peoples, and that such erosion of privilege is the basis for revolutionary conscious- ness in the U. S. Any self—respecting white worker, acc: epting Weatherman' 5 initial premise that he is actu- ally benefiting from imperialist plunder of the colonies, is more likely to reason in another way: oh yeah? we 'Il see if those colored people can take away my loot I34 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/671ccb8547a9fa4840f2a414424c0fdc.tif 64a2f7ccb2487e3e99c47cd0e8d47155 PDF Text Text _. i "" "Y”‘W’W‘ﬂm-‘1’ That current of thought is quite widespread in the U.S. It was the basis of the Wallace position on the war - either wm It or get the hell out. It starts from the same initial premise as Weatherman: that "we'l have an interest in hanging on m Vietnam, and the only question is to balance the benefits against the cost. And this line of chauvinism today and solidarity tomorrow is paraded by Weatherman under the name of in- ternationalism l Up to this point we have assumed that the question of white supremacy was representative of the general question of support for oppressed peoples fighting U.S. imperialism, and that if we could demonstrate that the struggle against white supremacy is in the class interests of white workers right now, the principle would carry over to the Vietnamese, Congolese, etc. We have felt justified in making this assumption since Wea- therman itself goes to great pains to point out the identity of the struggle of the Black people, whom FITS" W'internal colony", with that of the external colonies of U.S. imperialism. However, if the reader will go back and read Weatherman's description of U.S. affluence quoted above, he will note that the reference is to the "U.S.ms a whole, not white workers . In fact, the theoreticians of Weatherman charge us, the supporters of RYM H, with reducing the concept of prole- tarian internationalism to black—white relations in this country, and with forgetting the "fact" that the Black people are also profiting from the exploitation and plunder of the external colonies! After all, it does seem that Black people in the U.S. have a somewhat higher standard of livina than most colonial peeples throughout the world. . . . ' So now, according to Weatherman, not merely are white workers parasites, but black workers also. The inter- nal colony is exploiting the external colonies. Will this lead them next to say that the semi-colonies of Latin America are exploiting the colonies of Africa ? This is weird. THE QUESTION or us. ”A‘FFLUENCE" It is time to take up the question of the "affluence" of the U.S. upon which Weatherman bases so much of its f argument. (l) in the first place, it is mostly mythical. The description made by the writers does not fit the actual condi— tions of most skilled worker , let alone the masses of unskilled whites, whose life is more likely to consist of a ten-hour day, an old car absolutely necessary for getting to work, more than one member of the family wor— king, no vacation, no provisions for old age or sickness, a house or apartment which, if rented, is falling apart and which, if purchased, will fall apart before the last payment or foreclusure, frequent periods of unemployment, a new coat every five years, etc., than the Scarsdale-ease described by the writers. Unfortunately, the Writers have'been swept up in the "American Dream. " (2) The writers are making comparisons based on the boom phase of the economic cycle, when naturally the conditions of most workers‘improve a bit. An accurate estimate would entail averaging out the conditions of l933 and l968 . (3) lt does seem to be true, however, that the conditions of the masses of U.S. workers are somewhat superior to workers in most other countries, although that is hard to gauge. If it is true, it does not necessarily follow that the superiority is due to imperialism, since the same superiority has existed since I700, long before the imperialist epoch. It was the main reason (white) workers immigrated here from other countries. Of course, we will immediately be charged with overlooking the extermination of the native Americans and the enslavement of Africans, which could be said to constitute early forms of imperialism, and therefore fac— tors in U.S. "affluence. " As for the extermination of the lndians, what was taken from them was land, which never fell into the hands of the white masses who did the exterminating but instead enriched the railroad ba— rons, cotton planters and cattle ranchers. For their loyalty in helping their masters steal the land and kill the rightful owners, the poor whites were rewarded with death and taxes, and monopolistic exclusion from land ownership .» As for African slavery - we agree that it could not have been maintained without the support of the masses of whites. Such support constitutes an integral part of the reactionary traditions of the U.S. nation. What 35 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/7786cd6d9185a6bc53dcffbdef9c3e12.tif 5982527fd8c9633b1a60fb2b5eb5fa1b PDF Text Text adds a quality of grotesqueness to the shameful record is the fact that the "benefits" which the masses of whites received in return for their support of slavery can be best guaged by examining the conditions of free labor in the pre-Civil War south, -or in the New England textile mills. Marx, in speaking of differences in national wages (Capital, vol ., l, chapter 22) observes that the value of labor—power in a given country is generally established by a number of factors, among them local tradition and the conditions prevailing at the time when that country entered upon the capitalistic era of production. Thus, Swedish workers enioy better wages and living conditions than ltalian workers, yet no one claims that one is at the expense of the other. The wages of the mass of workers stand in inverse proportion to the profits of capital, not to the wages of any other group of workers. (4) The Weatherman formula ignores the history of struggle of U.S. labor, which has had a real effect on the conditions of the workers. For example, in the years l937—38 - the years of the building of the CIO - real wages and relative wages (wages in relation to profits) actually rose somewhat. Weatherman's false analysis of political economy leads them to the conclusion that it is not in the interests of white workers to unite with Black workers, and therefore to the practical abandonment of the fight against white supremacy. All their documents and speeches show a clear tendency to sbustitute calls for "support of national liberation" for the struggle against white supremacy which is the basic and indispensable expres— sion of such support on the part of whites. ‘ ls it not clear that on the uestion of the fi ht a ainst white su remac Weatherman has arrived at the same q 9 9 P )’ position as PLP, from the "opposite" direction? The line of denying the identity of interests of white and Black workers is anti—working class. in being anti- working class, it is, of necessity, anti—Black ! To claim that the basis for winning masses of whites to an internationalist policy lies in the decline of privilege rather than in the relation of labor to capital (and that is what they are saying when they say, for example, "The potential for revolutionary consciousness does not always correspond to the ultimate class interests, particularly when imperialism is relatively prosperous and the movement is in an early stage. ") is to undercut the mass base among whites for a policy of proletarian internationalism. The consequences of tremte workers as an adiunct of the class struggle insteadof an integral part of it are expressed in the slogan which has occasionally been raised by various Weatherman— create two, three , many John Browns. Such a 'slogan sees the role of white revolutionaries. quite apart from the immediate class interests of white workers, and thereby substitutes the heroic actions of a few whites for the heroic actions of the masses of white workers. The real slogan that must be put forward is - create two, three, many million John Browns, for that is the slogan which corresponds to both the immediate and long-range class interests of white wor— kers. Abandonment of the responsibility to organize white workers as part of a class is not support for national li- beration but betrayal of it. This betrayal finds its crudest and most chauvinistic expression in the slogan— create two, three, many Vietnams. in an oppressed nation, that slogan may have a certain iustification as meaning the opening of new fronts against U.S. imperialism. We do not here propose to take up the question of whether it is the best summary of of the strategy and tactics required to carry out such a perspective. But in an imperialist country, in the op— pressor nation, the slogan is entirely out of place. Are the Weathermen asking US imperialism to send troops to Santo Domingo, or to Charleston, South Carolina?? !! Regardless of good intentions, that is the effect. In fhe U.S. among white workers, the basic slogan of proletarian internationalism must - Transform the im— perialist war into a civil war. But Weatherman does not put that slogan forward, because civil war is the highest form of class struggle, and grows out of the class struggle, and Weatherman does not believe in the class struggle. 36 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/b36d1d82a2d5bb705f994e0be7710875.tif 58a82050b4ae1fecc2398957b03cee65 PDF Text Text CAN BLACK PEOPLE BE INTEGRATED UNDER CAPITALISM? The reader may think it is absurd to even raise such a question in a discussion of the Weatherman paper. Let us see. The writers treat us to a lengthy dissertation on the status of the Black people and the correct strategy for na- tional liberation. We do not intend to go into such length on it, not because we agree with a single point in their analysis, but because we do not think it is incumbent on SDS and on white revolutionaries in general to be taking "positions" on this matter isolated from the thinking of Black Marxists. We have written a paper on the subiect, which we regard as a contribution to the thinking of Marxists in general and at the proper mo— ment we will offer it for consideration. Nevertheless, there are some things in Weatherman which absolutely cannot go unchallenged. The real heart of their analysis of the status of the black people lies in the Following paragraph: A new black nation, diffent from the nations of Africa from which it came, has been forged by the common historical experience of importation and slavery and caste oppression; to claim that to be a nation it must of necessity now be based on a common national territory apart from the colonizing nation is a mechanical application of criteria which were and are applicable to different situations. What is specifically meant by the term caste is that all black people, on the basis of their common slave history, common culture and skin color are systematically denied access to particular iob categories (or positions within iob categories), social position etc. ,regard- less of individual skills, talents, money or education. Within the working class, they are the most oppressed section; in the petit bourgeoisie, they are even more structly confined to the lowest levels. Token exceptions aside, the specific content of theis caste oppression . is to maintain black people in the most exploitative and oppressive iobs and conditions. Therefore, since the lowest class is the working class, the black caste is almost entirely a caste of the working class , or positions asoppressed as the lower working class positions (poor black petit-bourgeoisie and farmers); it is a colonial labor caste, a colony whose common na- tional character itself is defined by their common class position. ' Now - we would like to ask: what is the difference between the above description and the condition of U.S. Jews fifty years ago, or the condition of Irish—Americans one hundred years ago? Of course, Weatherman will howl that they are speaking of an oppressed nation, an internal colony, that Black people cannot be integrated, etc. , - but when the Black nation is recuded to a question of caste, in what respect does it differ from typical . bourgeois explanation? Weatherman may believe in their hearts that Black people constitute an oppressed na- tion, but they do not say so in their analysis, except in generalities. What they say is that the "black colony . . .is a colonial labor caste, a colony whose common national {character itself is defined by their common class position. " Is that any different from PLP's characterization of Black people as "super-exploited workers":J And if that is the the case, then why cannot the Black people be integrated like the Irish, Jews or Italians? "Race prejudice"??l! Continuing its "progress" backwards, Weatherman says: The black proletarian colony, being dispersed as such a large and exploited section of the work force, is essential to the survival of imperialism. Thus, even if the black liberation movement chose to try to attain self-determination in the form of a separate country (a legitimate part of the right to self—determination), existing side by side with the US, imperialism could not survive if they won it—and so would never give up without being defeated. Thus, a revolutionary nationalist movement could not win without destroying the state power of the imperialists; and it is for this reason that the black liberation movement, as a revolutionary nationalist movement for self—determination, is automatially in and of itself an inseparable part of the whole revolutionary struggle against US imperialism and for international socialism. 37 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ab00a344c98b60fc0c9f870b112d5b12.tif a630a97190611868f38d6a471e35d9d6 PDF Text Text mn-w -w it is one thing to say as did Stalin that Black people cannot achieve liberation without breaking the power of capital . That was true of the Chinese people, the Vietnamese people and every other oppressed people that has broken the Chains of imperialism. It was true, in a negative sense, of Ghana, Egypt, lndonesia and others - that is, their failure to break the power of capital led directly to their failure to win natio- nal liberation. But it is another thing altogether to equate, as does Weatherman, the victory of national liberation in the op- pressed nation with the establishment of socialism in the oppressor nation. Weatherman argues that because of the strategic location of Black people, in the cities, etc. , they could, by themselves "if necessary" win alone and that their victory would by synonymous with the victory of socialism throughout the U.S. Yes, Black workers are in a strategic position, and they will certainly be in the forefront of the class struggle, as they have always been. However, white workers are also in a stragegic position, generally surrounding the ghetto, and there ain't gonna be socialism throughout the U.S. until the masses of white workers have been wan to it. In our opinion, it is quite conceivable that in the deep south, where Black people constitute a maiority and where the conditions for Black nationhood exist, the Black people could, by waging people's war, succeed in establishing liberated zones and even a Black People's Republic, prior to the total victory of the proletariat throughout the U.S. As Lenin put it, "it is our right and duty to treat every Socialist of an oppressing nation who fails to conduct such propaganda (that is, propaganda for the freedom of secession) as an imperialist and 0 sterTel. This is an absolute demand, even if the chance of secession being possible and 'feasible' be— fore the introduction of socialism is only one in a thousand—:7. " (Quoted by Stalin in Foundations cf Leni- nism) But to equate that possibility with socialism throughout the U.S. is to fail precisely into the error that Weather— man spends several paragraphs trying to avoid: ”both racist tendencies: (i) that blacks shouldn't go ahead with making the revolution, and (2) that blacks should go ahead alone with making it. " They state further: Thus, even the winning of separate independence in the South would still be one step toward self—determination, and not equivalent to winning it; which, because of the economic position of the colony as a whole, would still require overthrowing the state power of the imperialists, taking over production and the whole economy and pwer, etc. It seems to us that Weatherman, in equating self-determination for the Black nation with socialism throughout the U.S. is "determining" the content of self—determination and is, in effect, saying to the Black servants of the "white" movement - you can leave the table while we finish dinner, but make sure you come back and clean off the plates. Is the Weatherman position that self—determination equals socialism any different than PL's line that socialism equals self—determination? - THE LIBERATION OF WOMEN Historically in the U.S., the fight for the emancipation of women and the fight for the freedom of Black people have always been linked. lt is enough to note that the greatest of the Abolitionists - Phillips, Douglass, Parker, Grimke - participated in the women's rights movement, and the greatest of the fighters for women's rights - Stanton, Anthony - were crusaders for the freedom of Black people. This dovetailing of the two great move: ments is not accidental, nor is it primarily the result of the individual characters of the leaders. On the con- trary, it is the logical result of their essential indivisability. History has shown that it is impossible to consistently sympathize with one of these two movements and oppose the other. A bad position on one must lead, if not corrected, to a bad position on the other. Having shown how the Weatherman position leads to the abandonment of the fight against white supremacy, let us see how matters stand with regard to the fight against male supremacy. 3B https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ffd0d772a913f74089d7e4054ef1b677.tif 79a507fb604e525299a123c1c97742b6 PDF Text Text The response of Weatherman to the above was summarized in the speech of Barbara Riley's which was met with loud applause. Her arguments resolved into two basic points: (i) that the program was reformist, since the ‘ aim should not be to achieve equality under capitalism but to destroy the state and revolutionize the family, and (2) that the program did not take into sufficient account the danger of white women winning equality with men at the expense of Black, Latin and other Third World women, that is, it carried the danger of expanding rather than reducing privileges. ' The first argument seems to us the product of rampant male chauvinism linked with a petit—bourgeois world outlook perfectly illustrated in the total overlooking of the sufferings of the masses of women and a contempt for their real needs. Such an attitude can only originate in the airy realms of bourgeois "freedom" and license. Do the theoreticians of Weatherman know that the average wage of all women is lower than the average wage of that of black men? Do they know that the status of women relative to men, measured by a dozen different yardsticks,h0$ declired in the twentieth century? Are they such consommate revolutionaries that they can dis— miss the daily, practical struggle of women to escape from household drudgery, humiliation, legal inequality, low wages - in short, to escape from male domination - irrelevant and reformist, since the task is to smash the state? On this very subject, Lenin wrote: t is therefore perfectly right for us to put forward demands for the benefit of women. This is not aminimum program , nor a program of reform in the Social-Democratic sense, in the sense of the Second International . it does not show that we believe the bourgeoisie and its state will last forever, or even for a long time. Nor is it an attempt to pacify the masses of women with reforms and to divert them from the path of revolutionary struggle. It is nothing of the sort, and not any sort of reformist humbug either. Our demands are no more than practical conclusions, drawn by us from the crying needs and disgraceful humiliations that weak and underprivileged women must bear under the bourgeois system. We demonstrate thereby that we are aware of these needs and of the Oppression of women, that we are conscious of the privileged posi- tion of the men, and that we hate — yes, hate — and want to remove whatever oppresses and harasses the working women, the wife of the worker, the peasant» woman, the wife of the lit- tle man, and even in many respects the woman of the propertied classes. The rights and social measures we demand of bourgeois society for women are proof that we understand the position and interests of women and that we will take note of patronizing reformists. No, by no means. But as revolutionaries who call upon the women to take a hand as equals in the reconstruction of the economy and of the ideological superstructure. (Conversations with Clara Zetkin) This same idea was put by one woman in the movement in the following manner: Yes, I know that capitalism means misery. But as long as l have to live under it, I don't see why I would be more miserable than a man. It is true that l will not be able to win equality as long as the capitalists rule, butt hat is no reason why I shouldn't fight for it. l may win some victories, which would make my life better, and, most of all, I shall certainly educa- te myself and some of my sisters about the workings of this system, and will learn better how to fight it. That is why I do not intend to stop for a minute my campaign to win at home and every other place where I am trampled on. Can any revolutionary oppose such a line? On the second point, it should be obvious from all we have written so far, and from the kinds of demands spe— cifically included in the program, that any struggle to improve the conditions of the masses of women can only be successful to the extent to which it attacks white supremacy. And on the other hand, there is no demand made in the interests of the masses of women which, if won, would not be a victory for Black people and all oppressed peoples. ‘ Look at the Weatherman 's reasoning: (l) the struggle against white supremacy is not in the immediate interests of white workers; therefore, they cannot be wan to it; ' (2) the struggle against male supremacy is reactionary unless it involves a struggle against white supremacy; 4O https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/993f2130d6199c6a645c63c15763f7ea.tif 1c301195bcaa2a6c7f9f4ae5e388cfe0 PDF Text Text Should women fight for equality with men? ls the struggle for the Freedom of the oppressed sex part of the anti— imperialist movement? Is it the responsibility of revolutionaries to attack and destry male supremacy? These are the fundamental questions. In searching for Weatherman's answers, we run into a problem. Gener- ally speaking, the rule for dealing with the paper is:—t—he more fully the writers bring out their politics, the more satisfaction we can give them. On the matter of the women's struggle, Weatherman deviates from the general policy for which we commended them in the beginning of this essay, of putting forth their line clearly. There is only about a half-column in NLN dealing with women's liberation, consisting largely of generalities, interspersed with references to I'not much practice, " "no programmatic direction, " "no real answer, " "we guess, " etc. In our opinion it is strange, but by no means accidental, that the writers, who have the answers for every other question from the strategy for Black liberation to the building of a party, are struck dumb on this question. This places us in a certain dilemma. On the one hand, if we deal only with what is written in Weatherman, we shall be unable to give complete satisfaction. On the other hand, if we recognize that the framers of Weatherman are still growing politically, that they have not Formulated everything in black and white but have made their most advanced arguments orally, then we shall run the risk of distorting their position or, worse yet, suggesting ways for them to "improve" it. To break out of this dilemma, it seems that the best way of dealing with this question is to set down what we , that is, those of us who are popularly identified as RYM ll, offered at the NC, and then examine the con:— tent of the Weatherman's arguments against it. in doing so we shall have to rely largely on the memories of those whowere there to judge whether we are being fair; and we shall have to wait until the framers of Wea- therman publish a fuller statement setting forth their collective views on this subject, in order to deal with it adequately. In the document Unity Principles for SDS, we presented five points which we thought could serve as the basis for unity in the organization. The second of these read: 2. OPPOSE MALE SUPREMACY. SUPPORT THE STRUGGLE FOR WOMEN'S LlBERATION The proletariat cannot achieve complete freedom without achieving complete freedom for Wo- men. The struggle for women's liberation is a powerful force against U.S. imperialism. We are dedicated to fighting male supremacy, to destroying the physical and spiritual oppression of women by men, and to the achievment of full equality for'women in everysphere of life. We will fight for the equality of women in job status, wages and education, by launching cam— paigns to open up "male jobs ", for equal pay for equal work, and for open admissions for wo- men in technical schools and all educational institutions. We struggle against the subjugation of women in the family, and demand the provision of day care centers, public and free laundries, food centers and other facilities necessary to free women from their status as household drudges. We oppose 'make chauvinism, and will fight for the placing of women in leading positions in all people's organizations, and will take the specific measure to guarantee that women can serve in' leadership. We encourage the formation of ”women's militias " to ensure the fulfil— lment of the program of total equality for women . We demand complete legal equality for women, and oppose existing marriage and divorce laws, prostitution laws, welfare laws and all other legal re-inforcements of the subjugation of women. We affirm our solidarity with and draw inspiration from the courageous historical struggle of Black and third world women against the triple yoke of capitalist white male oppression, the front line in the fight for the rights of all women. The fight for the equality of all women must recognize the primacy of the struggle to end oppression of Black and third world women and base the demands for equality upon the rejection of white skin privileges. 39 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/984a531bd533450ef6e7bbeb981e791f.tif 4852df6dd5d71060ca8ea3381d7cce77 PDF Text Text lsit not true that the military adventures, monopoly price—fixing, tax swindles and other actions of the finance —capital oligarchy have begun to create real resistance among vast numbers of the middle sectors, and including perhaps even some elements in the bourgeoisie itself who see themselves being pushed out and their own pro- fits being threatened by such measures? We believe tlrat in the epoch ofimperialism it is the duty of the revo- lutionary proletariat, by advancing partial slogans, to come forward as the defender of all those who are suffering at at the hands of the monopolist sharks. Such a course would serve to isolate the finance-capital oligarchs who are the the main pillar of bourgeois rule as a whole, and would further serve to educate the politically backward strata of the proletariat itself, who would see, in practice, the real role of different classes arcl strata in society. It is not at all a question, as Weatherman would have us believe, of subordinating the independent policies of the proletariate: the independent role of the proletariat is the key to the achievement of the united front, while, on the other hand, the building of a united front will give the proletariat more roo m to operate, more room to put forward its own policies. A real uni ted front is the implementation of Lenin's behest to be "cunning as a snake and ferocious as a tiger. " Supporters of the Weatherman position — we think you should re-examine your stand on this question, for here too theyare in embarassing accord with PLP, which also condemns the united front, labeling it "revisionist. " THE MARXIST—LENINIST PARTY Does the proletariat need a party to represent its class interests? How is such a party to be built? The main obstacle to the building of a Marxist- Leninist party is the worship of spontaneity. This worship takes two forms: on one hand, there is the belief that class consciousness grows spontaneously out of the day-to—day struggles cf working people, the inability to see the need to carry the ideological struggle to the proletariat, the underestimation of the importance of imparting class consciousness to the proletariat which is everywhere dominated by bourgeois ideas in a "semiconscious, " partially—expressed form; on the other hand, there is the belief that the proletariat cannot be won to the scientific ideology of Marxism- Leninism, the failure to wage the mass struggle for proletarian ideology, the attempt to substitute the disciplined, organized actions of a minority for the conscious actions of the proletariat as a class . We believe that the line of PLP represents a deviation toward the first error; we think that this essay up to now has shown that Weatherman is deviating in the direction of the second error. Look at the section entitled llThe Need for a Revolutionary Party. ” The whole emphasis of the section is orga— nizational, that is, the need to select out a body of leaders, to create the ability to work clandestinely, to form collectives of revolutionary individuals, etc. Even when the need for revolutionary theory is discussed, it is always from the viewpoint of theory for the party, not for the masses. How could it be otherwise with a "theory" that openly declares that the fight against white supremacy is not in the immediate interests of the masses of white workers, that scuttles the fight for the equality of women, that substitutes calls for "socialism" for the patient work of winning the masses through intermediate struggles of a united front character, that boldly emblazons on its banner the empiricist, existential, anti—theoretical slogan- "You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows" ! A party in the U.S. cannot be built by a few I'geniuses” coming together. lt can only be formed by applying the general line of proletarian theory, embodied in the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao, to the specific conditions of the U.S. through the involvement of a number of advanced workers in the application of theory and the summing up of experiences. This formula means that it is necessary to take the ideological struggle to the proletariat as a class, with the emphasis on winning over the advanced sectors, which cannot be done in isolation from the intermediate and backward sectors of the working class. ' The fact that in the entire Weatherman document, which is not a single—point but a full statement of policy, program and line, the fact that there is not one single word about the need to fight for proletarian ideology among the masses of workers hows that Weatherman's pretentions to party building are deserving of no more credence than the ec onomist, opportunist and social-chauvinist ravings of PLP. 42 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/021ab0679a2a40f8abc9d8c346f09076.tif 6cb8bf278731a0e2b1333488d2c23ad8 PDF Text Text w vvwmwuwmwmm7mm‘ (3) therefore, the struggle against male supremacy waged by white women, since it cannot entail an attack upon white supremacy, is reactionary! ! Such "brilliant" revolutionaries may not need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows, but it seems they need a compass to stay out of the swamp. However, they are not alone; once again they find themselves in company with PLP, which also condemns the fight for women's equality as "divisive. " THE ANTI-IMPERIALIST UNlTED FRONT Should all the people of the world, including the people of the U.S., from a common front against U.S. im— perialism? Should revolutionaries work to unite all who can be united in order to isolate and defeat the main enemy? in our opinion, there has been a great deal of distortion from all quarters on the subject of the united front against U.S. imperialism. Some people have confused it with the alliance of different anti—imperialist clas- ses that make up a national liberation movement, the first stage of the socialist revolution in a dependent . nation. Some people have made the mistake of confounding a tactic and a strategy. For our part, we support the line put forward as point number ii in the 13 point statement published as an appendix to RYM ll. That point reads: Because the dominance of the big monopolies. has brought them into conflict with other strata of society besides the proletariat, it become 5; possible for the proletariat to rally around it- self masses of non-proletarians in a united front against the imperialists. Such a united front, which depends for its achievement on the independent, class-conscious actions of the prole— tariat, winning over or neutralizing large numbers in the middle sed‘Ol'S and isolating the most reactionary, dangerous, and powerful elements of finance capital. The key principles of the united front against U.S. imperialism for which all revolutionaries must fight, are four: (a) the leading role of the proletariat within the united front; (b) the willingness to unite all who can be united against the monopolies; (c) the central role of the fight against white su— premacy in the building of a united front; and (d) the fight against anti—communism it must be emphasized that the united front against imperialism, can only be a tacticalorientation of the proletariat, not a strategy, since strategy means a plan for the basic realignment of class forces, which in the U.S. as a whole cm only mean the undivided power of the prole- tariat, acting in the interests of the overwhelming masses of the world's people. Part V of Weatherman paper begins with a gener aily correct paragraph exposing the fallacy of a "two—stage’I revolution in an imperialist state, the U.S. in particular. From that generally correct stand, the writers plunge immediately into error. Along with no two stages, there is no united front with the petit bourgeoisie, because its in— terests as a class aren't for replacing imperialism with socialism. We would like to ask the Weathermen — why is it necessary to counterpose the strategy of the proletariat, which can only be for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, to the tactics of the proletariat, which can take a number of different lines, the main one being the effort to rally the widest sectors of the population in a united front whose spearhead is aimed at the predatory fascist policies of U.S. monopoly capital? And then: Someone not for revolution is not for actually defeating imperialism either, but we still can and should unite with them on particular issues. But this is not a united front (and we should not put forth some ioint "united front " line with them to the exclusion of our own politics) becausetheir class position isn't against imperialism as a system. in China, or Vietnam, the petit bourgeoisie's class interests could be for actually winning against imperialism; this was because their task was driving it out, not overthrowing its whole existence. For us here, "throwing it outH means not from one colony, but all of them, throwing it out of the world, the same thing as overthrowing it. 41 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3b3b9f3b0595f24fde72b2b104af18f6.tif fbacb8b0e88aa5b613dd8e0b66b31557 PDF Text Text n "nwmwwmﬂl—m“ 1-w- history, of the actual conditions in our country, of the inter-relation between various social forces, and of the mad along which we must move in order to achieve our goal. ' Questions of the specific relation of the national liberation struggles within the U.S. to the class struggle an examination of the ways white supremacy has functioned to retard the growth of class consciousness, the revolutionary potential of the tight for women's liberation, the place of the youth movement in the class struggle, the role of labor unions, the operation of state—monopoly capitalism, the economic cycle - these and. a hundred other questions will have to be scientifically posed and answered in the course of carrying out struggle. This process has barety begun. ' In order to answer these questions, we must take Marxism—Leninism, the universally applicable science at the ' proletariat, as our point of departure. Every strategic and programmatic document must be gauged against the fundamental tenets of Marxism—Leninism. . ' n ‘1 The Weatherman paper does not meet the test.We think the solution does not lie in "improving" it, polishingt it with monor amendments. The solution lies in scrapping it altogether , and starting our investigation by re— ognizing the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, which was expressed in clear tones at the beginning of the century by the Wobblies: "The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. ” Lastly, we should like toisay that, in spite of our profound, total and unresolvable disagreements with the . Weatherman paper, we b'ﬂho means regard it as a disservice to the movement. Things become strong by strug- gling against their oppositésﬁland revolutionary theory will develop in the US by struggle against counter re— 'volutionary theory. In this sense, the Weatherman paper is an excellent basis against which to develop relu— tionary theory. For that reason, all revolutionaries should be happy that it was written and published. . mama": 'ﬂ ~ A ., , ’. ,, r x’ 1;»?‘43- ., , vM‘fA‘Ht‘M’M'r' ‘-"""" '3‘. kewawm, . https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/339ddd94d6e3941c73733e02515bec4d.tif a7dac0f0c7a2193cdc39bcc1198b5cc7 PDF Text Text There are several other areas of disagreement we have with Weatherman, such as the "class analysis" put for- ward, the question of where do the contradictions of capitalism manifest themselves, and so on. We do not intend to deal with these points now. This will be an extended discussion, and there is no hurry. We should like to deal briefly, however, with the roots of Weatherman's errors, and their identity with ear- lier wrong tendencies in SDS. Specifically, we believe that the Weatherman viewpoint represents a. restate- ment of the now discredited "new working class" argument. Why do we make such an apparently rash statement? NWC theories denied the operation of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism; so does Weatherman. NWC theories regarded the proletariat as coopted into the system;so does Weatherman when it says that the selfish privileges given to one or another sector of the wor— kers are in their class interests. NWC theories said that the most basic struggles took place around decaying institutions; so does Weatherman. NWC regarded what they called the lumpen-proletariat as the main body of the revolutionary forces; Weatherman redefines the concept of class to achieve the same end. NWC regar— ded the technical elite as the vanguard; Weatherman regards "revolutionaries'l detached from class interests as the vm guard. How can it be that two lines so apparently divergent as Weatherman and "new working class " can prove to have an essential identity? The reason is that in a society which has reached such a high stage of capitalism as the U.S. , there are only two ideologies, bourgeois and proletarian. Bourgeois ideology, of whatever variant, takes for its starting point the commonality of interests of the bour- geoisie and proletariat. Proletarian ideology takes for its starting point their irreconcilability of interests. From the very first statement of Weatherman, that, "The relative affluence existing in the United States is directly dependent upon the labor and natural resources of the Vietnamese, the Angolans, the Bolivians and the rest of the peoples of the Third World , " from that very first statement (which is an echo of the essen— tial argument of the Bourgeoisie) the writers fall into the trap of the commonality of interests of the bour— geoisie and proletariat, and thereby stamp themselves as a variant of bourgeois ideology — the most radical variant so far, perhaps - but bourgeois nontheless. From that fundamental error, everything else flows smoothly and inexorably. A DEPARTURE FROM DIA'LECTICS On a more fundamental level than the political, on the level of philosophy, the roots of Weatherman's errors lie in the writers' departure from dialectics. .Mao Tse Tung wrote, in On Contradiction: The basic cause of the development of things does not lie outside but inside them, in their internal contradictions. The movement and development of things arise because of the. pres- ence of such contradictions inside all things. This contradiction within a thing is the basic cause of its development, while the interconnection of a thing with, and its interaction upon, other things are the secondary causes of its development. Thus materialist dialectics forcefully combats the theory of external causes of propulsion by metaphysical mechanistic materialism and vulgar evolutionism. We think that Weatherman, in attributing the maior impetus for change within the U.S. to developments out- side of the U.S., in declaring that the masses of U.S. workers do not now stand in irreconcilable opposition: to thd U.S. bourgeoisie but will only do so as the cussess of the mainly external national liberation move- ments forces the U.S. bourgeoisie to reduce the privileges of the U.S. Proletariat, in saying these things the Weatherman have slipped from dialectics to metaphysics,and are therefore profoundly wrong. There are a number of vital questions of theory and the application of theory to U.S. conditions which are yet unanswered, or to which only the most elementary answers have been given. Considering the overall weakness of the proletarian movement in the US, it is likely that our weakest aspect is our ignorance - ignorance‘of U.S. 43 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/5be4e7f4a13d0502fe4eec8d171b4f79.tif 8dc8b074cfdc59aa55cee19aa10dd49f PDF Text Text toward a revolutionary youth movement (This is the text of the resolu- tion passed at the December 1968 National Council meeting.) ‘...How should we judge whether a youth is revolutionary?...lf today he integrates himself with the masses... then today he is a revolutionary? if tomorrow he ceases to do so or turns around to oppress the common people, then he becomes a non-revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary.’ Mao Tse-Tung At this point in history, SDS is faced with its most crucial ideological decision, that of determining its direction with regards to the working class. At this time there must be a realization on the part of many in our movement that students alone cannot and will not be able to bring about the downfall of capitalism, the system which is at the root of man’s oppression. Many of us are going to have to go through important changes, personally. As students, we have been indoctrinated with many racist andanti-working-class notions that in turn have produced racism and class—chauvinism in SDS and were responsible largely for the student - power focus which our movement has had for many years. Student power at this stage of our movement has to be seen as economism: that is, organizing people around a narrow deﬁnition of self-interest as opposed to class—interest. We are moving beyond this now, but that movement must be planned carefully and understood by all. The fact that we saw ourselves as students as well as radicals, and accepted that classification of ourselves and many of the false privileges that went along with it (2-8 deferment, promise of the “good life” upon graduation, etc.) was primarily ' responsible for the reactionary tendencies in SDS. Main Task The main task now is to begin moving beyond the limitations of struggle placed upon a student movement. We must realize our potential to reach out to. new constituencies both on and off campus and build SDS into a youth movement that is revolutionary. The notion that we must remain simply “an anti-imperialist student organization” is no longer viable. The nature of our struggle is such that it necessitates an organization that is made up of youth and not just students, and that these youth become class conscious. This means that our struggles must be integrated into the struggles of working people. One thing should be clear. This perspective doesn’t see youth as a class or say that youth will make the revolution by itself. Neither does it say that youth are necessarily more oppressed than older people, simply that they are oppressed in different ways. There are. contradictions that touch youth specifically. To understand why there is a need for a youth movement, first we must come to see how youth are oppressed. Oppression of Youth Youth around the world have the potential to become a critical force. A youth movement raises the issues about a society in which it will be ferced to live. It takes issues to the working class. They do this because, in America, there exists an enormous contradiction around the integration of youth into the system. The period of pre-employment has been greatly extended due to the an'luence of this highly-industrialized society and the lack of jobs. Institutions like the schools, the military, the courts and the police all act. to oppress youth in speciﬁc ways, as does the work place. The propaganda and socialization processes focused at youth act to channel young people into desired areas of the labor market as well as to socialize them to accept without rebellion the miserable quality of life in America both on and off the job. The ruling class recognizes the critical potential of young people. This is why they developed so many organizational forms to contain them. Many young people have rejected the integration process that the schools are supposed to serve and have broken with and begun to struggle against the l “establishment’. This phenomenon has taken many forms, ranging from youth dropping out as a response to a dying capitalist culture, to young workers being forced_out by industry that no longer has any room for the untrained, unskilled, and unorganized. Both the drop-out and the forced—out youth face the repressive nature of America’s police, courts, and military, which act to physically and materially oppress them. The response from various strata of youth has been rebellion, from the buildings at Columbia to the movement in the streets of Chicago to Haight-Ashbury to the Watts uprising. Revolutionary Youth We must also understand what role a youth movement would have in the context of building'a revolution. An organized class conscious youth movement would serve basically four functions in- building revolutionary struggle: 1) An organized revolutionary youth movement is itself a powerful force for revolutionary struggle. In other words, our struggle is the class struggle, asvis the Vietnamese and the black liberation struggle. To call youth or even the student movement a section of the bourgeoisie which must simply support any struggle fought by working people is economism. The struggle of youth is as much a part of the class struggle as a union strike. We ally with workers by waging struggle against a common enemy, not by subjugating our movement patronizingl y to every trade union battle. We also ally with the liberation struggle of those fighting against imperialism, recognizing that this is the true expression of the working class at its most conscious level. 2) Youth is a critical force which— through struggle—can expose war, racism, the exploitation of labor and the oppression of youth. We do this by putting forth our class analysis of capitalist institutions via propaganda and sharp actions. Exemplary actions of the youth movement lead to higher consciousness and struggle among other people. 3) Because we can organize—as a student movement - around those contradictions which affect youth speciﬁcally, we can organize young working people into our class-conscious anti-capitalist movement. These young https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/2903d39bf21abf95723c8c18413f1762.tif a465a5ff10e292810fb402f6c188eff5 PDF Text Text workers will (a) strengthen the anti-capitalist movement among the work~force. (b) provide an organic link between the student movement and the movement of working people, and (c)add to the effect that we will have as a critical force on older working people today. 4) The expansion of the base of the youth movement to include young workinr- people changes '18 character of our .. "movement impo tantly: because it fight: the tendency of our student movement to define itself in terms of “student interest’ rather than class interest. Because we see a revolutionary youth movement as an important part of building a full revolutionary working class movement we~must shape our own .~:;rategy self—consciously now with a view to that. youth movement. This means that, in addition to expanding our base to include more young worldng people, we must insure the class consciousness of our movement now, and we must attack the class nature of the schools we are organizing against. RACISM Building a class-conscious youth movement means ﬁghting racism. SDS ~must see this fight as a primary task. Racism is a central contradiction in American society, since racism is an inherent part of capitalism and a primary tool used to exploit all working people. in order to fight racism, we must recognize that there is a struggle. being fought right now for black liberation in America with which we must ally. This fight for black liberation is at once an anti—colonial struggle against racism and the racist imperialist power structure, as well as being part of the class struggle because black workers are among the most oppressed. It is through racism and its development into colonial oppression that black people are maintained as the most oppressed sector of the working class. Racism (white supremacy) ties white people to. the state by splitting them from the most aggressive class struggle. We must also fight racism within our own movement and among youth in general and make our loyalty to the black liberation struggle more solid. While recognizing that “black capitalism" is not a solution to the problem of racism, we must be careful not to dismiss the anti-colonial nature of the black liberation struggle by simply calling it bourgeois nationalism. IMPLEMENTATION The implementation part of this proposal should not be seen as a national program of action but rather as some suggested actions as well as some necessary actions to be taken if such a youth movement is to be built. 1. BUILD CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE STUDENT MOVEMENT IN THE DEVELOPMENT TOWARm A REVO- LUTIONARY YOUTH MOVEMENT. a. SDS organizers should direct the focus of their energies to organizing on campuses of working—class colleges, community schools, trade schools and technical schools as well ashigh schools and junior colleges. b. Attacks should also focus on the UNIVERSITY AS AN ARM OF THE CORPORATIONS that exploit and oppress workers. Corporations that exploit workers should be fought on campus. (Aside from producing napalm, Dow Chemical Co. has plants in 27 countries of the Third World and is among the largest international corporations.) c.‘ SDS should move towards the building of alliances with non-academic employees on the campus based on struggle against the common enemy, the university. SDS should view the university as a corporation that directly oppresses the working class. (1. SDS should move to 'destudentize' other students by attacking the false privileges of the university—cg. the 2-8 deferment should be attacked on that basis. a. Some of us should move into factories and shops as well as into working-class communities, to better understand the material oppression of industrial workers, as well as to eradicate prejudices against workers. 1’. We should move into the liberation struggle now being fought inside the armed forces and take an active part. Up until now, we have paid only lip service to that struggle of mostly working-class youth. 3. Youth should be made to see their own struggle and the struggle of the Vietnamese against imperialism as the same struggle. The war must continue to be an important focus {or SDS organizing. h. We must join the tight against the class and racist nature of the public school system. i. Drop-out and forced—out youth both should be encouraged to join our movement. 2. ATTACK 0N INSTITUTIONAL RACISM We must view the university as a racist and imperialist institution which acts to oppress the working class and is the brain center of repression against the liberation struggles at home and around the world. Programs should bedeveloped which aggressively attack it as such and attempt to stop it from functioning in that manner. Targets should include: a. Police institutes on the campus. b. The real estate establishment. (The University of Chicago is among the largest slumlords in the city.) c. Centers for counter-insurgency (both domestic and foreism) including research and planning centers at «i sociology and education schools .inich teach people racism so that they can help defeat the struggles of the blacks. d. Racism in the class; em, especially in high schools where students are forced by law" to sit and listen to racist and class prejudiced distortions of history. e. A fight should be waged for the admission of black students and brown students to help wage the ﬁght against racism on the campus. Blacks are carrying on the most militant fights both on and off the campus, and more black admissions means a more militant campus movement. We must also expose the racist and class nature of admissions systems and the high school track system and demand that the schools be opened up to the community so that they too can struggle to stop its oppression. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c6776ffb3bde02b22cb0a3f9b86b4a11.tif 2a8aacf3b3e86d9b1942546a345b5b34 PDF Text Text ‘ c . ., ~ ‘ ~v1 . \» :' ﬁdde Educar'ian' Péoiévéf: *“ Box 5619A I ‘Derpéfr; Michigan _ 44812325 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/dd24f19cc0ac2f1f2057bbeb6c12649d.tif 950ccfa6e0b49073d840798f0c637859 PDF Text Text CONTENTS: introduction - REP Collective ..................... i Toward a Revolutionary Youth Movement . . . . . . ..... . . . T More on Youth Movement - Jim Mellen ............... 3 Notes on Class Analysis: Some Implications for the _ Revolutionary Youth Movement - Les Coleman ..... . . . . . 6 Revolutionary Youth Movement ll . . . . . . . .......... I . 13 You Don't Need a Weatherman to Know Which Way theWindBlows..... ....... ....... '..l9 Without a Science of Navigation We C. annot Sail . in Stormy Seas - Noel Ignatin ................. 3i . INTRODUCTION V by the REP collective . Part l: HISTORY During the past year struggle in theory and practice has produced great changes in SDS. it is no longer an organization which rather indiscriminately welcomes liberals, anarchists and radicals of all persuasions. SDS has expelled the Pro- gressive Labor Party. After the PLP expulsion, RYM H and Weatherman have emerged as two separate, identifiable factions. It is important to understand the development of these two positions in their own right. It is also important to understand their development within the context of the struggle to defeat PL. What are now different political analyses and strategy were at one point a united group sharing an explicit set of ideas which differed sharply from FL. PL challenged SDS to develop as a class conscious and explicitly anti-imperialist organization by bringing a class 7: i‘ V. analysis to SDS more clearly than any other individuals or groups had done before. It also formed the Worker Student Alliance caucus within SDS. (See the "Critique of FL" by the Old Mole, published by REP for a summary of PL-WSA . . politics.) The presence of this well organized groUp thch held to a specific theory and practice pushed the non-WSA ._ f V part of $05 to realize the value of collective discipline In do‘ing political work. The demands of the growing radical V movement and the obiective conditions of the U. 5.. indicate that SDS probably would have adopted a class analysis and a tighter form of organization at some future point, but undoubtedly, the reaction of SDS to PL helped speed this development. This literature packet contains the primary documents which define the body of theory WhiCh has pro-5g ,_ vided direction In the continuing struggle to defeat PL. Moreover, this theory stands by itself as providing. direction '. for on—going political debate and work as reflected In the factions of Weatherman and RYM ll '~ 7 I - ' The first document In the packet Is the original RevolutIonary Youth Movement resolutIon which was passed by the De- 1. . cember 1968 National Council of SDS... The successful adoption of this resolution was a maior expression of the increas-sf" ing dissatisfaction with PLP. Many people within 505 recognized that PLI s program was unproductive. Although it_ . emphasized working class organizing, its theory and practice was inadequate. A major defeat far PL had already come . , in October at Boulder, Colorado, when the 505 NC failed to pass the PL-sponsored resolution "Toward a Worker Stu-5r ‘* II.”- dent Alliance." The RYM proposal. was an attempt to provide an alternative to PL' 5 program for radical organizing. it"fj' -, was presented by a group centered In Chicago IncludIng Mike Klonsky (then NatIonal Secretary of SDS) and Les Coleman, ' from Chicago Region SDS. "~ _. . ..- a: .I I. I I” . ~ ...... The passage of the resolution came after long and serious debate: During that debate, aiunified ‘Factionem-erged whose main purpose was to defeat and discredit PL by providing sound, relevant alternatives for organizing initiated by SDS. the unity was based on the principles of a struggle for international proletarian unity and the potential for a broad youth I . movement. This unity also challenged the basis for Worker Student Alliance politics formulated by PL which did not - ' 7"» ” afford any legitimacy to the notion of youth beIng a critical force In making the revolution. ‘ ‘ ' -~ ~ I From December untIl the March i969 National CounCIl meeting in Austin, Texds, more profound dIfferences, espeCIally https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0a2c59d244eae776dc6f69672bdfa14e.tif 737f33882f74bf9803bc4698aab01d5a PDF Text Text on the position of blacks and women, became clear between the unified RYM faction and the PL«WSA caucus within SDS. The PL-sponsored resolution on racism passed at the December NC was essentially reversed with the; passage of a resolution which recognized revolutionary (socialist) nationalism asa progressive force in the black liberation movement over the denunciation by PL that all nationalism is "reactionary". Although no women's resolution was debated at the Mfr; NC, caucuses demonstrated that PL—WSA did not recognize that women are subiect to any oppression. and one" ploitation beyond that of the working class as a whole. At the same time, as the struggle against PL was becoming more clear, differences within the group which had favored the RYM resolution began to emerge. Divisions were developing over questions of the role of the schools and the more general question of the role of the white proletariat in the U.$. People who had been united in December in support of "Revolutionary Youth Movement” found themselves on opposite sides in regards to two proposals: one by Les Coleman, "The Schools Must Serve the People" and one by Marilyn Katz, "Mayday" (which called for mass working class actions). The original authors of RYM supported both these proposals, but many of the people who had been allied with them in the earlier fight with PL opposed these documents. The second and third articles in this packet show that by the time of the national convention in June, difference-s within RYM were reflected on a more basic theoretical level as well as on the level of tactical proposals as they had been at Austin. Jim Mellen's article, "More on Youth Movement" was published in May and Coleman's reply "Notes on Class Analysis: Some Implications for the RYM" appeared at the National Convention in Chicago. Two other basic documents circulated at that meeting were: "You Don't Need a Weatherman to Know Which Way the Wind Blows" (N LN, Con- vention issue) and "RYM ll" (NLN, July 8, 1969). Although it was clear that these had basically different political thrusts, the people who supported these two different documents came together once again in the struggle with PL. At the convention it became clear to many people that it was necessary to expel PL in order for SDS to become a group able to do real organizing outside of a solely student constituency. lt was clear that SDS had to change from the amor- phous umbrella-type of group it had been. It was also clear that so long as PL was part of SDS, constructive relations with the black liberation movement would not be possible. lmportant black groups with an explicit class analysis, such as the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, had been repeatedly attacked by PL. PL did not support block proletarian organizing and in several campus struggles had undermined the work of black groups by organizing ' against open admissions demands and black studies programs. Expelling PL from SDS did not mean expulsion of PL from the left, although it is clear now that not everyone who worked to expel PL held to that opinion. The expulsion of PL was, in many ways, done. in an unprincipled manner. An alliance was formed of people who opposed PL —~ but different groups had different reasons for wanting PL out. This was due to the fact that the two major groups, Weatherman and RYM II, had different political analyses -- each in itself different from PL but also basically different from each other. Due to the pressures of die struggle at the convention, the differences between the group supporting the "Weatherman" proposal and those who comprised a very loose "RYM ll " caucus were not de- bated fully. Much of the debate that did take place centered around discussions of PL's practice, and often people seemed to steer away from any political discussion which would raise some ofthe differences that existed in the non-PL alliance. (See the articles by Carl Davidson in The Guardian in June T969 for a good description of the eXpulsion of PL.) ' We believe expelling PL from SDS was consistent with the unity—criticism-unity model described in the last section of this paper. For unity, in this sense, does not mean simply "ioining" two groups together; it does not mean an emphasis on organizational unity. It does require a basic understanding of different political tendencies, criticism of different positions, and the formation of new positions and winning of the people to those. lt is possible to begin a meaningful stage of criticism now that political differences are emerging and can be clarified. This was not possible while PL was in the organization. During the previous year PL's practice had proven that they did not engage in "unity-criticism- unity. " Instead, PL pursued the course of all criticism and no unity. lt deliberately worked to prevent the exchange of ideas which is necessary to maintain a strong and principled political organization. It can be said that PL was, in a sense, responsible for the formation of the two main tendencies in SDS now, for both RYM ll and Weatherman developed out of oppositiOn to PL. At the same time, it is clear that the struggle with PL kept those (and other) tendencies .from becoming distinct forces in their own right. This latter reason is why people who had opposed each other in March could unite in June, with little political discussion, to expel PL from the organization. lt is clear that in some ways the lack of discussion was deliberate. Supporters of the "Weatherman" proposal had a good deal of strength at the Convention, but needed some temporary allies in the fight against PL. Thus, they were willing to warm wzth supporters of "RYM H" for ashort while, but were not willing to debate the differences between the two https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/07d26c25772475ac388c85ae27ff9636.tif 8a13f7c353e66772380a531ec49376bf PDF Text Text rroups- . . . . C ‘ (’as reasons for expelling PL), rather than spending a great deal of time debating them In the group. Supporters of RYM ll also allowed this to happen by withdrawing the five principles of unity they had proposed Weatherman has been elect ed to control of the National Office of SDS. After PL was expelled, Weatherman ran can- didates for all the national offices and made little attempt (at that point) to gloss over their differences with RYM ll. In the months since the Convention Weatherman has consolidated its position in the organization. Part ll: POLlTlCS The proletarian line in SDS has been forged through a dialectical development of theory and practice. This develop- mcni has been dialectical in that the original unity -- and the emergent tendencies -- has been transformed as the or- ganization proceeds from unity to contradiction to unity. On the level of practice, the operation of the Progressive - _ Laoor Party and, more recently, Weatherman has convinced many people of the need for disciplined implementation of politics and has forced many to confront the anti-communism implicit in ultra-democratic objections (over-adherence to the surface forms of democracy, with no consideration of the need for discipline) to disciplined Factions. On the level - of theory, the challenge for the student movement to relate to the working class developed in response to the consistent and fundamental character of the Worker—Student Alliance strategy pushed by the PLP within SDS. Because of their con- cept of a "Worker-Student Alliance, " PLP and WSA opposed the Revolutionary Youth Movement proposal which barely oassed the December l968 National Council. The unity that surrounded the passing ofthis document began to break down during the next six months and the two tendencies within RYM (Weatherman and RYM ll) began to emerge. Before suggesting the main issues surrounding this new struggle, it is important to mention the progressive aspects of the original unity that later branched into the Weatherman and the RYM ll positions. The progressive aspects may be found in the documents presented in this packet, and in REP's topical literature packet on the Revolutionary Youth Movement (#4). They may be found in both the Weatherman and the RYM ll proposals. They include: the desire to concretize politics through practice and to develop cadre (see particularly "Hot Town, " in REP packet #4, which was supported by the original RYM alliance); a recognition of the potential role of youth as a "critical force" in the revolutionary pro- cess (see RYM proposal, Mellen); an internationalist perspective of support for wars of national liberation against U.S. imperialism (see RYM, Weatherman, RYM ll); an acknowledgement of the anti-colonial aspect of black oppression in .1 the U.S. as well as the fact that white—skin privilege has been important in the division of the U.S. working class (see Veatherman, RYM H); a recognition that the student movement is limited by its class base and that it must be broadened (see RYM, Hot Town, RYM ll); realization (as of the December 1968 National Council) that women's oppression derives from superstructure (male supremacy) as well as from direct economic oppression (best articulated in the December 1968. NC resolution on women's liberation, presented by Noel lgnatin and supported in a struggle with PL by the same alliance that supported the RYM proposal); and a willingness to engage in organizing in the community rather than confining or- ganizing to the point of production (see RYM, Hot Town). All these positions were important advances beyond both the eclectic politics of earlier days of SDS and of the dogmatic errors of the PL line (see "A Critique of PLP" by the Old Mole, published by REP). ln recognizing these advances we should also reject opportunist criticism which various individuals and groups have levelled against, particularly, the Weatherman tendency. All criticism of tactics which neglects the political thinking behind tactics, all criticism of militancy er se, all criticism which feeds anti-communist reflexes by making accusations of "Stalinism" without precisely defining-fhe- Word, all such unprincipled criticism must be reiected and attacked. The formation of organizational alliances on the basis of such thinking must be discouraged. in What, then, are the political principles behind the new debate within SDS, following the split with PLP? The struggle has developed over a few basic but weighty questions. What is the US proletariat? What intermediate classes exist between proletariat and bourgeoisie, and what are their importance? What is the role of the US proletariat in, the so- cialist revolution in this country? What is the relationship between the black (and brown) section of the proletariat, subject to colonial oppression as well as purely economic exploitation, and white workers? What is the relationship between the struggle of the US proletariat and that of the proletariat of oppressed nations under imperialism —— i.e. , what is the significance of nationalism and wars of national liberation for the proletariat of the oppressor nation? What is the nature of women's oppression and how does this relate, in practice, to colonial and class oppression? What is the character of the class struggle within the oppressor nation under imperialism -- i.e., can other classes in the US be brought into a united front under proletarian leadership against US imperialism? ls the US in a revolutionary or a pre—revolutionary stage at this time? These are questions to bear in mind while reading the following papers. In addi- tion, the reader should ask what is the class line put forth in each of these selections. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/bc0d0a16228c3378e650f1ec70c83017.tif 772d9ec9f60db30de299cb84826a859b PDF Text Text the people's revolution was assured. The essential thing is to start with a desire for unity. Without this subiective desire for unity, once the struggle starts it is liable to get out of hand. Wouldn't this then be the same as "ruthless struggle and merciless blows"? Would there be any Party unity left to speak of? If was this experience that led us to the formula: "unity—criticism -unity". (Mao Tse-tung, On the Coriect Handling of Contradictions Among the People, I957) Practicelwithin SDS -- particularly Weatherman practice —- often errs by mistaking "contradictions among the people" for "contradictions with the enemy. " Errors have also been made by depending upon coercion or force in the mistaken belief that this is proper struggle. "The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China represented one of the most in— tense struggles (on several levels) experienced anywhere in the history of the socialist movement. We should bear in mind their view on how the struggle should take place: Correctly Handle Contradictions Among the People A strict distinction must be made between the two different types of contradictions: those among the people and those between ourselves and the enemy. Contradictions among the people must not be made into contradictions between ourselves and the enemy; nor must contradictions between ourselves and the enemy be regarded as contradictions among the people. It is normal for the masses to hold different views. Contention between different views is unavoidable, necessary and beneficial. In the course of normal and full debate, the masses will affirm what is right, correct what is wrong and gradually reach unanimity. The method to be used in debates is to presentthe facts, reason things out, and persuade through reasoning. Any method of forcing a minority holding different views to submit is impermissible. The minority should be protected, because sometimes the truth is with the minority. Even if the minority is wrong, they should still be allowed to' argue their case and reserve their views. ' When there is a debate, it should be conducted by reasoning, not by coercion or force. In the course of debate, every revolutionary should be good at thinking things out for himself and should develop the communist spirit of daring to think, daring to speak and daring to act. On the premise that they have the same general orientation, revolutionary comrades should, for the sake of strengthening unity, avoid endless debate over side issues. ‘ . (Point #6, Decision of- the Central Committee, CPC, Concerning the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, 8 August, I966) Ideological struggle within 505 during the past year has often erred in regard to such principles. Debate at the June Convention and the previous National Council meetings often did not "present the facts, reason things out , and per- suade through reasoning ". Often it did. However, the trend of the past year has been toward the form of "ruthless struggle and merciless blows. " PL's adoption of these practices made it impossible (among other reasons) to work with them in the same organization. Weatherman's similar errors present similar problems. From the perspective of the REP collective, RYM ”'5 errors in this direction are necessary topics of self-criticism. The Chinese people, in conducting their Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, were hardly anti-struggle. They adopt- ed the policy of "unity- criticism-unity" for handling contradictions among the people, and the policy of "criticism- struggle- transformation" for dealing with class enemies. We at REP do not believe the struggle within the movement is a struggle with class enemies (although bourgeois views and practices are reflected in certain pasitionsi. We do not be- lieve it appropriate to use the methods of "ruthless struggle and merciless blows" (or to "kick-ass“) to deal with such dif- ferences. We will "kick-ass" when dealing with class enemies. We will struggle to achieve a new unity on a new basis when dealing with differences (and they are deep) within the movement. September, I969 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/6bef474a998e38c2ba2acd257f5ff82f.tif 01024bbefbce86e3bdc6c56d7b236168 PDF Text Text We will not outline here the different ways Weatherman and RYM ll answer these questions. However, to make clear our perspective and the reasons for publishing this packet, we shall briefly outline the REF collective's position and what we believe to be the main issues surrounding this new struggle. We believe that if socialism is to be built in the US, it will be the result of a proletarian revolution. We understand that the proletariat includes those who work for wages in production, transportation, communication and service industries. lt Specifically does not include students 329 students, though some students are members of this class. We do not believe youth is a class; we do believe that the special oppression of youth -— of all classes -— makes possible their role as a critical force in the revolutionary pro- cess. As with the black and brown, and the women's movements, it is vital also for the youth movement to follow pro- letarian leadership. We recognize the oppression of blacks and browns in our country as a dual oppression —- encompas— sing oppression as workers at the point of production and colonial oppression as nations. We support the right of self- determination for the black and brown nations, recognizing also the crucial position of their national liberation struggles in the overall struggle to liberate the entire working class and build socialism in the US. We understand that the social— ist revolution in this country must proceed under proletarian leadership and that, in order for united proletarian leader- ship to develop, the treacherous nature of white—skin privilege must be recognized and repudiated by the white sec- tion of the proletariat. We believe that women are oppressed through their role in the family in addition to-the exploit- ation faced by working women. Their oppression comes not only from the economic base, which oppresses all the prole- tariat (black and brown women especially) but also from the superstructure, from male supremacy. Women must be or- ganized to fight against their own oppression, and this at times will mean the existence of separate women's organiza- tions. The struggle for women's liberation is part of the struggle against imperialism and one which must have proletarian leadership. We understand that the structure of the US imperialist involvement in the world demands that proletarian internationalism be developed within the US working class. Specifically, this means that the US working class must be brought to a position of support for the applied internationalism of wars of national liberation against US imperialism. Following from a class analysis which recognizes more than two classes in US society and which perceives that, as a class, it is mainly the ruling bourgeoisie which profits from imperialism, we understand that classes other than the pro— letariat must be brought into a united front under proletarian leadership against US imperialism. Finally, we under— stand that the US is at present in a pre—revolutionary stage. We find the best expression of our politics in the RYM and RYM Tl documents,which we support. Part ”I: THE CONTEXT OF THE STRUGGLE The debate between RYM TI and Weatherman has at its base some of the most crucial problems facing the movement. We should not, however, allow this struggle to blind us to other important political questions being tested through struggle and practice both within SDS and in other sectors of the movement. Neither should we let the intensity of this struggle become the basis for a cynicism toward political struggle and its importance to the growth of the movement. We advocate an active ideological struggle, because it is the weapon for achieving solidarity within the Party and the revolutionary organizations and making them fit to fight. Every Communist and revolutionary should take up this weapon. (Mao Tse—tung, Combat Liberalism, T937) The context for ideological struggle must be understood . Our movement needs to develop in practice a way of handling inter-movement differences. We at REP believe an excellent formulation for the proper context of such struggle has been put forward in the "unity-criticism—unity" model. We believe it is necessary to strive for a new unity on a new basis. This is not easy, but it must be a guiding principle: In T942 we worked out the formula "unity- criticism —-unity" to describe this democratic method of l resolving contradictions among the people. To elaborate, this means to start off with a desire for un- ity and resolve contradictions through criticism or struggle so as to achieve a new unity on a new basis. Our experience shows that this is a proper method of resolving contradictions among the people. In l T942 we used this method to resolve contradictionsinside the Communist Party, namely, contradictions between the doctrinaires and the rank-and—file membership, between doctrinairism and Marxism. At one time in waging inner—Party struggle, the "left" doctrinaires used the method of "ruthless struggle and merciless blows. " This method was wrong. In place of it, in criticizing "left" doctrinairism, we used a new one: to start from a desire for unity, and thrash out questions of right and wrong through criticism or argument, and so achieve a new unity on a new basis. This was the method used in the "rectification campaign " of T942. A few years later in T 945 when the Chinese Communist Party held its Seventh National Congress, unity was thus achieved throughout the Party and the great victory of iv Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Students for a Democratic Society: National: Publications Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1969 Description National publications by Students for a Democratic Society dating from 1969. Publications include New Left Notes. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 50 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Kenneth J. Hammond papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/kenneth-j-hammond-papers Restrictions folder contains articles from various Students for a Democratic Society publications Permissions Copyright Cleared (NHPRC) dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Kenneth J. Hammond papers Subcollection Location Box 23 dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). SDS (Students for a Democratic Society) May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c26adb13fe9fc038b5070e095e9aaa16.tif df112aad908a02c8574b6fda286fd6a8 PDF Text Text ï¬‚ag AM; 70ng Accovmâ€™s 0F THE EVENT} 2F hAâ€˜Y 1979â€˜ 7715 ONE â€œ@9549 K3351 3151554Â»! mg; 5311 was ummeu m MTG: MA? MD (YWE 0F W70 1N BUPFALO MY. â€œHR 6â€; Lambâ€ â‚¬653)! mm m memo! a? cummw rmo WA] umï¬ï¬hâ€™ Mama m: )5). 0F NWEHMF M70. Tm: Lab/(Â«.701 PMS-1*! â€new M70857 3.455031 VA) URWW") "*1 MAMA 0F )â€˜1â€˜7â€™1â€™ IN TDANO Â§?RJ51,Co;omooluï¬‚w~Â£ I yaw!) â€œJ )773â€™7â€˜ï¬ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/96299bf6acaf96f02a4b6e109b80d54b.tif c1cdb0d1b72337d3f3ad5945e428467e PDF Text Text [Swmnqmï¬‚ KENT STATE: lâ€"LL MAY 1970 . Within the framework of the permanent crisis which is the essential characteristic of the present historical period, we can observe both a long~run trend and shorterâ€" run fluctuations. Sweezy and Magdoff June 1970 The develOpment of the struggle against the Indochina War, domestic racism and other manifestations of American monopoly capitalism has taken various courses over the years since 1964. The beginnings of revolutionary as 0p- posed to reformiss opposition to the U. S. government grew out of the frustrations of the early '603 Civil Rights campaigns and the continued escalation.of the conflict in Southeast Asia despite the large-scale pro- tests of 1965-67. The longâ€"run trend in the â€œmovement" has been a slow raising of the antiâ€"capitalist/antiâ€"imperialist consciousâ€" ness of the majority of the people involved in political activity in the late 19603, coupled with the_emergence of Marxismâ€"Leninism as a revolutionary theory for an increasing cadre. Another trend is the split between â€œlifeâ€"styleâ€œ rev- olutionaries and peeple concerned with â€proletarian" organâ€" izing. Central to the develOpment of the "movementâ€in.the late '60s was SDS. SDS began to move towards conscious revolutionary theory in early 1968. By the October and Decâ€" ember National Councils Marxist ideological frameworks and. arguments were the order of the day. Following the Columbia Strike and the Chicago Convention the consciousness of SDS moved increasingly towards militant struggle aimed at stopping or impairing the functioning of bourgeois instâ€" itutions.â€™ ' https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/29ccfe9d35c1ce8d01c26026137f52d6.tif addff8485d66127cec7f90c487bf94c4 PDF Text Text â€˜Wâ€™ SDS at Kent got its start in May of 1968. An organâ€" izational meeting for summer work in Cleveland was held, and people spent time preparing for various tasks from 'draft counselling to leafleting. In August several peeple from Kent went to Chicago and took part in the actions around the Democratic Convention. It was in September 1968 that real organizing got under- way at Kent. Through posters, leaflets and dorm raps the initial meetings drew several hundred peeple. At this stage meetings consisted of reports on current activities, skits on essentially light political questions, and debate about what needed to be done. During this period three groups of people within the SDS chapter became more or less clearly defined. At the core were the individuals who had done the original organizational work to get the chapter set up. Of these several had previously worked with the Kent Committee to End the War in Vietnam (KCEWV). Others had Come in through 'summer work and as a result of Chiacago. The second group was composed of people who were viewed as potential leadership, but who had not worked in SDS in the past. Finally there was the majority of people whd. came to meetings regularly and supported actions but did not assert political leadership. Altogether, in the fall of 1968, there were often more the 200 peOple at the weekly chapter meetings. In October 1968 SDS and Black United Students (BUS) at Kent moved against the Oakland Police recruiters. The Student Activities Center was occupied by about 500 peeple for several hours. It was abandoned following the assurances of the Dean of Students that the Oakland recruiters would not be back the next day. Actually, the next day recruiters were at work and the'University moved to suspend student "leadersâ€œ of the sit-in. In r .e SDS called for amnesty in ad- dition to the W9 already raised. BUS led a walk-off by most of the black students, and the University, faced with bad press and liberal hostility, granted amnesty https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/3fac9417e6a1d6d277ba34f8a5ea4027.tif f27e6dca70690089b7415430e9325803 PDF Text Text Jo 9â€˜â€ Â£04 As i . 30â€˜L9Q35( C. to all the participants. It did not, of course, consider the demands . its/at SDS had further actions on campus and in Akron around the November elections. Organizing then began to focus on the â€counterâ€"inauguration" in Washington. In January 1969 Cent SDS went to Washington and took part in the demonstrat- ions, as well as some streetâ€"fighting. After returning from D.C. the chapter entered upon a relatively quiet period. _During the winter of l968~69 SDS at Kent, and elsewhere, went through considerable study of political theory. This was the beginning of the split which ultimately.led to the factional death of SDS in the summer Of '69. The specific debates are not important, but the general division was one between advocates of action as the critical element in the raising of political consciousness, and advocates of educa~ tion as the critical element. Ultimately the political _ strategy for Kent was set by the advocates of action. This led, in April 1969, to the picking off of radical leadership and the arrest of 60 people for "occupyingâ€œ a buildigg. Out of this bust several leadership cadre spent up to six months in jail, andâ€˜one individual was given a l~7 yearpnlsggp: sentence in June 1970. Regardless of the specific fate of individuals, the bust of spring '69 was a real blow to SDS at Kent. By fall SDS had ceased to function. A few isolated groups worked to get things going again, but nothing came of it. 500 people went to Washington in.November, but no onâ€"going movement re~formed itself at Kent. An attempt at a draftâ€" resistence league in December got a good start, but failed to develop, and soon collapsed. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/d08d4add00a937d60a0b518aa0b70abf.tif ace5d33dbfff533037c4701cd84ee16b PDF Text Text The purpose of this background is not to bore people with the history of one small part of the struggle. It is simply to give a context in which to understand the events of May 1970. SDS at Kent, though ultimately destroyed by adventurism, had carried out extensive organizing, with talks in dorms playing a major role. The quantity of written material put out was large, including a study of the power relations of the Board of Trusttees that ran to about 20 pages. The ideological debate in SDS was carried on in the open, and contributed to the general educational function played by the chapter. The smashing of leadership and the mass (by the standards of the times) bust drove the great bulk of-supporters into relative quiesence. From.Hay 1969 to April 1970 Kent State was â€œcalmï¬'Robert Matson, Dean of Students, had told the Wall Street Journal early in-â€˜69 that the radicals at Kent would be 'dealt with'. For his success in this endeavor he was made Viceâ€"Presidnet of Stddent â€˜ Affairs. The Kent State Police recieved a citation from the Governor for their role in ridding the campus of trouble- makers. In terms of longâ€"range trends and short-term fluctuatâ€" ions, Kent was definetly in a low point. ED'Ehose still working with the campus felt a sense of fatalism and frus- tratiOn. While peOple in the dorms spoke of "waiting for the big upsurge", the organizers felt it would never came. Even the Chicago 8 trial failed to elicit much response from the former chapter members. Kent was, to all appearances, dead. On April 30 Nixon announced the invasion of Cambodia, A and the official eXpansion of the war. For about a week prior to this black and White students at Ohio State had been in the streets, and the Ohio National Guard had been called to Columbus. "sewnâ€"w, .wrv-m -.wms1mm3"w.Ã©"ï¬‚r .. , . V ' , ,. .- : w - https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/697e8edfc571036efaa0338c32174453.tif 331f779253001a9d68f76de960fc9be8 PDF Text Text What really did happen at Kent? The bourgeois media have portrayed 5% everything from a â€spring flingâ€ to tha ï¬‚ak archâ€"conspiracy of American Communists trained in Peking by Algerian guerrillas. The Portage County prosecutor, in conjunction with various agencies of Law and Order, will soon begin a witbhâ€"hunt for the â€conspiritorsâ€ who are "responsibleâ€œ for what happened. Once the arrests and trials start theheaehgggk of lies and distortions emanating from the bourgeoisie and their henchmen will Wee-eh obscure the reality of events. Wâ€eÂ£7 MONMV Mew!â€œ- Myriam PHâ€˜MLCN/ The â€1- ended a â€struggle which 56.4.. begad on Friday night, but the political struggle W594Â» on Fri day afternoon. A rally of some 600 peopl had heard @end to ROTC, counter-insurgency research, he Indochina war, and support speeches by faculty and students calling for: .for the Panthers and the BUS demands raised at the same time. Two veterans had burned their honorable discharges, andthe U.S. Constitution had been symbolically buried. It was at this time that a rally was called for noon on Monday, in order for the Administration to give a response to the demands raised by the rally. On Friday night, and again on Saturday and Sunday, large groups of people took to the streets to eXpress anger over the expansion of the war and to demonstrate support for the demands. They also sought to take direct action. On Friday, after the police attacked a â€œliberated zone" on North Water Street? over 1,000 people moved through the town, attacking the major corporate institutions such. as the banks and the Ohio Bell Telephone Go. On Saturday, des- pite the attempts of the University to co-Opt the peeple with free flicks and concerts, 3,000 peOPle attacked and burned down the ROTC building. It was at this point that the National Guard arrivedâ€, car-173V S https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/fea6472694cb187e2a08b6d65e62d6aa.tif 32f79865f19ed49e21b76ac51df6d111 PDF Text Text Tim. 4 We; smelleï¬‚ mâ€" KEN-r Shreughautmthe feui'days at Vent the straggle was a spontaneous outburst. It develOped on Friday out of the desire of the peeple downtown for a nonâ€"eXploitive "communityâ€, which led to the â€œliberationâ€ of a block or N. Water St. By Saturday people hadebsorbed>the demands as their basic focus, and the ROTC action grew out of simply being on the scene and feeling capable of actually doing something. The invasion of Cambodia and the general political trend of the country had â€˜ these people Tb overcomgï¬g their fears and apathy, andpï¬gï¬abrought them into motion. The lack of leadership was clearest on Monday. At 10:00 AM an attempt by two individuals to try to set up a â€œco-ordinating committee" met with no response and was set aside by a meeting of perhaps 50 random peOple. As others moved about the campus reminding peOple of-the noon rally they found that everyone already knew and was planning on being there. At noon the rally was held, by virtue of several thousand people coming to the Gommons. No time was allowed for any "program" as the Guard immediately demanded that peOple disperse. This order was greeted with the demand that the Guard disperse. The Guard then attacked the people with pepper gas and moved towards them with.Mâ€"l rifles, bayonets fixed. The ehsuing battle ended when the Guard assumed a firing position and fired aproximately 60 rounds into the crowd in front.of it. Four people were killed, one boy was paralyzed for life, and nine others were wounded. Not one Guardsman was treated for any injury sustained in fighting the people. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/6367ae5435886e3d9273d26d8b9e3bb5.tif ab414e8abe2c33fccc809292427c9389 PDF Text Text outâ€œ In the wake of Kent, the national strike spread to over hOO schools. In the next few days peOple were to be murded by agents of the state in Augusta, Georgia and Jackson, Mississippi. The escalation of the war againt the American people, added to the escaiation â‚¬3+;3$82P&Â£EFâ€" brought a strong upsurge against the government. The 5UQQJ551' lessons to be learned are hard and real. The bourgeoisie is willing to 1:111 white middleâ€"class kids as well as blacks and Asians. It is going to embark on a tourâ€"de~force in Doublethink to assert its innocence oï¬â€"fï¬rsthillingg. The reality of death must bring a greater sense of realism to the movemnt it it is to survive. ' But perhaps the greatest lessonï¬ is a twofold one. In the first place, those revolutionaries at Kent who despaired _of ever seeing action again were wrong not to realize that When contradictions reach a sufficient level the peeple will move. The corollary error is that when spontaneos struggle does not develop its own leadership it is liable to be easily crushed. The dillema at Kent between perhaps too much leadership in 1969 and too little in 1970 needs to be resolved before the Revolution can move into more effective struggles to end the rule of capitalism. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0077fd74184a0ff316b76672ebf2d314.tif bea31a0a5df1ebf78009db9ca333ac9a PDF Text Text https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/1c6a5b39b69186b8d322d90947c1b705.tif c3047473076a916ccf4d471b00d70920 PDF Text Text @u, H70: 1 I Mao says that just before their demise the reactionary forces of theCworld wage a final effort to destroy the revolution. This gives them the appearance of being just about to eliminate the movement, when in fact the movement will ultimately eliminate them.â€˜$hhen he spOke in Kent on October l9,IWilliam Kunstlerl characterized the Special State Grand Jury report on Kent State as Such a last resort. He viewed it as a sign of the weakness of the boUrgeois system that it must bring out such â€œstrong measures against theâ€"left. 151993;: The report was the result of just over one month of hear- ings by the Jury in RaVenna, the Portage County Seat. A 15 member Grand Jury was Ã©mpaneled there on Sept. IQ by Ohio Atty. Gen. Paul Brown. Special state prosecutors were appointed to present the State's evidence. Over 300 witnesses were heard, and the reports of the FBI and Scranton Commission were conâ€" sidered. On Oct. 16 the Grand Jury issued its Report. This placed primary responsibility for the events of 1â€"4 May on the somealÃ©cd "permissiveness" of the KSU Administration. It issued 25 secret indictments against students, faculty and "outsiders", but completely exonerated the Ohio National Guard, declaring the shooting of 13 students, killing 4, to have been justified. Since the report was issued most of the 25 indicted have turned themselves in. At one point a delegation from the Kent _ Legal Defense Committee went to one of the Special Prosecutors and asked for the full list of indictments, on the grounds that an attempt was being made to prejudice the cases by portraying https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/7d7c604d9f3d55247ab275a0156bbfac.tif f1c3d83f1e535eca580250e837a1a30e PDF Text Text those indicted as fugitives. The list was not released, on the basis that to do so would violate the court orders banning any official of the Grand Jury from discussing the proceedings. A few days later an article appeared in the local papers which declared that the 14 or so indictees still not arrested had probably "gone undergroundâ€. The overt acts of repression which have come down in Kent this fall:Â£:1mud;of an on~going process here and nation- ally. Young people are confronted with an oppreSsive society, with institutions such as ROTC and Defense research projects on their campuses. They see the genocide against the Black Panther Party. They relate this to their own daily experience.. The result is rebellion, such as the fighting from the lSt of May on at Kent. the response of the State to this political challenge is repression. Last May 4th it came directly atâ€˜as from the barrel: of the Guard's guns. But since then it has taken other forms. when classes resumed at Kent for fall l/b the students were presented with "Think Weekâ€, the theme of which was "Power to the Peaceful". This was an attempt to induce a sense of passivity in the campus, and to isolate anyone who advocated an active political assault on the University. Since then the President â€œMung has made repeated statements conjuring a mood of violence, as when he termed an entirely peaceful and disciplined rally by the YIPPIES and the Kent Liberation Front, "deplorable" and "de facto disruption". The Administration has done everything possible to divert the attention in of the students from the https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0c5ed425eb4438b6ddc858bdd31d3775.tif 2df9e119bc261b0271258690718fbe9b PDF Text Text 5 a!n:,m3-â€˜LI:1NWW~I:EV:TM "n 1â€œ.-<' c -- ., . . ifâ€˜J political issues at hand. In addition to this rather co-optive attempt at "peace politics" and scare tactics, the indictments of the 25 are furyâ€"ca . L.) designed to frighten everyone else into a There have been extensive indictments and bustxof people on drug charges, apparently in coâ€"ordination with the repression arggnd the political struggle. A Portage County Grand Jury issued 42 indictments on drugs, and a large number of those indicted were either State Grand Jury Witnesses or among the 25. So we have the pattern of oppression~rebellion~repression. At Kent we are facing whAT amounts to vanguard fascism, for if what is being done at Rent is successful, it will serve as a model for the country as a whole. In fact there is an 80,000 dollar grant to KSU for development of prototype campus_security systems, making it in fact a labratory for repression. I The response of the studentsâ€˜Bï¬ has been indignation and to a degree, organization/YGroups to defend the 25, and for 'political activity in general, have sprouted up since the l/b began. At this stage things are beginning to pull together. A Legal Committee with over 30 lawyers has been_constï¬tuted, and has an office. A Speaker's Bureau is getting formed. The 25 defendents are beginning to get together to work out the nature of their defense. 8 of them were at a legal conference last saturday, and issued a statement that they would stand together and wage an aggressive, political defense. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/68501a804b7c31e824dbfd6e0a0d387c.tif 6233db12268d886a9f8bcd784f7a6608 PDF Text Text It is also recognized, to a degree, that if the response to rebellion is repression, the response of the people must be total revolution. % While the focus immediately must be on defense, it is understood that the real Objective is to build a movement which will fight to transform American society, and coâ€˜ofERATur-I create a culture based on lave and collectivism. The movement is preparing for struggles on the campus and in the courts, and after more than four months of scare headlines and fascist publicity, the extent of this movement is surprising. The first rally at Kent, called by YIPPIES anf the KLF, drew out 1,500 people. Meetings have consistently drawn 300- 400. With this kind of a base, and the help of lawyers, other students and community people, the potential for building-and fighting is good. There are internal hassles which must be dealt with, but there is much possible;/â€™ We need money. Send it to Kent Legal Defense Fund. _" XXX XX XXXXXX' Kent, Ohio 4&240 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/31e91a20d94b0c792c806c4c27bd8205.tif 41284449f8fba1fc20b39a5e527190aa PDF Text Text '1â€™ I ijï¬‚xâ€™CZ-Lâ€˜ [(17ij HISTORY LESSON: KENT STATE, A PARTICIPANT'S MEMOIR by Ken Hammond Here in Idaho Springs the Show has been falling since yesterday evening, and now the mountains are softened with the new cover. It seems pretty far removed from Kent, Ohio in the Spring of 1970, and Â»all the things that happened then. But twice in the past few days I've gotten the feelingâ€˜ that it may be time to go over the events of those days one more time. First I read that William Calley:had been released on bond in anticipation of his sentence being reduced. Then, a couple of nights ago, I was listening to the Mothers of Invention "We're Only in it for the Money". I realized that for a lot of kids just getting out of high school these days the lines about cops killing creeps probably didn't have much reality to them. So.I decided to ï¬‚ag try and tell the story of the killings at Kent as I saw them. I've seen so much misinformation about Kent and lies about not only May #th but the whole context of politics at Kent that I think some effort to clear the air is warranted. 'So this is a memoir, a recollection of a time and place that seem remote to me now, but which I will never forget. and I think will never be forgotten. In the Spring of 1970 I was a junior at Kent State University. â€˜Iâ€™was 20 years old, married and living in married student's apartments on Allerton Street. I was haphazardly pursuing a major in Political Science. concentrating on modern Chinese history and the l9h9 Revolution. I had been active in the Kent chapter of Students for a Democratic Society_(sds), and had been on the steering committee in the Spring of 1969. After sds was banned from campus and then disintegrated in, https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/d21b50ee2ff03042e617b15f18ffb4fa.tif 513929f44a8555321c6fa5dddc59c08e PDF Text Text â€œWNW"? " â€œ .internal struggle I had worked with a small Maoist collective. By early 1970 even this group had ceased to function, and I had the feeling that politics were dead at Kent. In fact they were just hiding. Kent had been the scene of a good deal of radical political activ- ity in 1968-69. In View of the attempts of some accounts to portray Kent as a sleepy cow college before May of '70 I think a brief review of the political background at Kent is in order. Early in 1968 a smallâ€œ group of students at Kent had fnrmed a chapter of sds. A group known as the Kent Committee to End the War in Vietnam (KCEWV) had been active since 1965: Several of the new sds cadres came out of KCEWV, looking} for a broader political focus. My first real contact with sds was through two of these students, Howie Emmer and Vince Mndugno, who were in a seminar on political theory I took in Spring quarter 1968. After the summer of '68, with the assassination of Bobby Kennedy and the police riot at the Democratic Convention in Chicago I was angry and ready to get into more radical politiCs. I attended the firSt meeting' of sds and took part in a guerilla theater skit on how the university was a part of racism and imperialism and was turning out cogs for the" war machine. I got very heavily involved with sds that ï¬‚all, even going to the National Council meeting in Boulder, Golorado in October. S I Kent's first major confrontation also came in October, when sds and the Black United Students (BUS) occupied the Student Activities Center to protest recruitment on campus by the Oakland, California Police. The Oakland cops were vamping on the Black Panthers, and it was felt that their presence on campus would be a good focus for some anti-racist action. The protest was a sit-in, peaceful, no one was 2 '4. Emma was: $v*-;r9:$â€œ+*.'.Â£Â§sâ€˜Ã©?:-â€˜rsâ€˜w 1.Â» : :1 t https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c6a8d061b9aef33bdec752214a9c527b.tif 8bea05c5d56c0351ddb199c523af956a PDF Text Text cmnm mob}? of ADMMâ€˜TMT'W Â«T-Wmf mg arrested and ultimately the Administration was forced, by a waï¬but of black students, to drop even disciplinary action. We felt a real victory had been won. The winter of '68â€"69 saw sds doing a lot of education work on campus. Most of this was in the form of "dorm raps", or meetings held in a dormitory where members of sds would talk about the war or racism or Ithe position of the students and the university, and then take questions and engage usually in long and often heated discussions. I couldnâ€™t say how many people became revolutionaries through this process, but certainly the general level of political consciousness at Kent was raised. We also did a series of leaflets, had films and outside speakers such as Rennie Davis, and in the early part Of 1969 published a poverw structure study of the University called Who Rules Kent?. Within sds this was a period of growing ideological sophistication. Following the National Council meeting at Ann Arbor, Michigan at the end of December 1968 many of us began to call ourselves MarxistS. There was a good deal of internal debate of over a paper called "Towards a Revolutionary Youth Movementâ€. We were also working out plans for a â€Spring Offensiveâ€. In this connection we formulated 4 demands. They were- the abolition of ROTC, the end of war research, the abolition of the law enforcement training program, and the removal fromcampus of the Ohio Bureau of Criminal InveStigation, a crime lab housed in the Chemistry Building. I B On April 8 ,l969 the Spring Offensive was launched with a march on the Administration Building to present the 4 Demands to the office of the Trustees. Campus police blocked the entrances, and this led to 3 https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/41f9d7a7bc15c0cb6d15cd9db74de149.tif b5585b4f393a090ad5edb52001cced88 PDF Text Text mwffmifl .yur- i -v w v~ :. some! shoving and scuffling. No one was arrested at the time, but by that evening eight people. so called "leaders" were being sought. The eight were charged with assault and suspended from school. This triggered more demonstrations, culminating about a week later in a march across campus to the Music and Speech Building, where hearings were to be held on the question of the suspensions. The hearings were officially closed, and so the demand was to "open it up or shut it down". It turned out to be a trap, for a soon as the demonstration entered the building the hearings were canceled and the building was sealed off by the police. A few people, including me, managed to escape through the good offices of a graduate student with a key to the elevator, but 60 people were arrested and charged with trespassing. The sds charter was revoked, and although several thousand students calling themselves the Concerned Citizens of the Community (CCCOLmarChed to protest, the charter was not reinstated. I Repression brought a5 split to the chapter. Even before the Mdsic and Speech bust two tendencies had been growing insds. One group. led by our Regional Traveler Terry Robins,was moving towards a position that only action and confrontation organized people and brought them into the movement. Several of the key figures in sds took this positioniaï¬ï¬‚e â€œivww. On the other hand a group weeuwewt put more emphasis on educational: work followed by action. I was associated with the latter group. The Music and Speech bust brought this split to a head on the issue of how to respond to repression.v K The â€Action Faction" felt that we shouldn't respond at all, that what was happening couldn't be called repression. There was a lot of 7â€™ v. we"? . Â«grega-â€˜aw â€˜1 Azdeafâ€˜ï¬‚wwr' anâ€; if $.55; Â»geâ€˜ar<ae" .3 â€" x "w; â€˜n-J" r1" â€˜3". .â€˜1'. :.;* "mtg; â€œ w: 94"}? â€œâ€œ2 :7â€; weâ€??? $174.? â€˜ â€"' â€œ â€œ.3" 311. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/aaaf7e951f1fc13c3640978ea1d868a3.tif 91d7cbca2654ffad4a498edc9c41cace PDF Text Text liberal guilt in this position, as demostrated in the famous "ice cream" incident. At one of many, seemingly endless meetings early in May '69 members of the Action Faction handed out wooden spoons and offered little paper cups of ice cream to everyone. It seemed to be a gesture of reconciliation, till Bobbi Smith got up and Stated to tell us about how we were racists for eating vanilfaï¬‚q%g cream. This may seem a bit far out, but it actually happened. The other position was that we should use the repression to mount a program of dorm raps and leaflets and to expose the nature of the University through its actions. The struggle over this question paralyzed sds and ultimetly meant its disintegration. Most of the Action Faction went into the Weathermen while the rest of us tried to build new organizations and carry on the educational work. But the potential for ï¬ï¬k organizing at Kent had been severely crippled. Most of the period from June 1969 to April 30. 1970 was very quiet at Kent. A lot of people had been frightened by the mass arrest at Music and Speech, and were_afraid of being involved or identified with a political organization. For me this was a difficult period. I: 'had come to View the University as a tool of imperialism, yet there I ":was going to clasSes and writing papers and all the rest. I began to try to Carry out struggle in my Classes, but without much success. I â€œgot into a real Maoist trip and worked with a collective called the,' - Red Guards. This was pretty frustrating as no one ever came to our meetings. By late winter this group Was pretty much inaCtive. and I j'was increasingly convinced that mass political action was a thing of the past. ' .1 â€POOPâ€"S, foo. rr- a-â€˜Nï¬â€˜e... in: .' H â€e o*'-':-;:â€˜;.Â«r"". lâ€˜ nix - .wIÂ» '> - r .1313??? s, 3" z~3'-1â€œ f~ A â€WW-9"â€œ J w *4- ,wmnewâ€™seim atÂ». 4_â€5+. eifÃ©iÃ©ï¬i-Tï¬ï¬; 1, 3%â€ ï¬g? it .- r .1 s*;:â€œatï¬eâ€˜Â£'~"} https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/51ee2c4d2a5bef5824592d8e5320fe2c.tif d24eef6a09f23783541559cd5b48c03f PDF Text Text On the evening of April 303.1970 I didn't watch Nixon on TV. I was expecting more lies about the war*â€winding down" and just didn't want to hear it. So I was a little surprised to get to class the next morning and hear that a rally had been called for the Commons at noon to protest the invasion of Cambodia.â€˜ After class I went home to tell Marilyn, and we headed up in time for the beginning of the rally. It was called by a group of history graduate students calling themselves the Werld Hisorians Opposed to Racism and Exploitation, or WHORE. There were a few short I speeches and a ritua1_burial of the Constitution, which Nixon had'killed" by illegally invading a non-belligerent country. Then the mike was opened for people to just get up and talk. At the very end of the_rally I got up to sort of represent the old sds cadres and said I hoped this rally was a sign of a rebirth of revolutionary politics at Kent. Then I reminded everyOne that there was to be another rally there on the Commons at noon on Monday the #th to hear the university' 5 reSponse to our protest. . 3' The invasion of Cambodia and the campus rally were not the only political issues on people's minds that day. There had been a wildcat strike by Teamsters in Ohio which the National Guard had been called out to suppress. This had been in the papers and on the radio and tv quite a bit. Also in Columbus, at Ohio State. there was a militant student strike going on, and one student had been wounded by police shotgun fire. Later on friday afternoon there was a rally on the steps of Kent's â€˜ Administration Building at which some pe ople from Ohio State talked about the strike. Op II a on North Water St. in Kent there are several bars that serve as student hangouts. One of these, called Orvilles, was frequented by the more political types in those days. This whole area was refered to as. ' Vâ€downtownâ€, and on the afternoon of May let the word went around that _ a; N https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/fc738eadc2dd02591fb108ab64fe1f0a.tif aea5c744a8f24bdcd60cef6b9e1cd422 PDF Text Text there would be action downtown that night. I was working in a plastics factory a few blocks from downtown, so when I got off work at 9:00 I headed over to Orville's. By the time I arrived there were already several hundred people on the sidewalk. Everyone seemed pretty tense, but there didn't seem to be any real focus for people's energy. Pretty soon, though, people began throwing bottle or rocks at the police cars that were prowling by every few minutes. After a few passes the cops. stopped coming by and weren't seen again till the trashing started. People bagan moving into the street and blocking it off. Word went around that the windows at the Bell Telephone office had been trashed. A little after midnight a car tried to push through the crowd, which was now completely blocking Water St. People had been telling motorists to 'turn around or go up an alley, but this car just pulled into the crowd. He stopped short.of hitting anybody, but when we tried to tell him to turn around he accelerated and drove on through the crowd. His rear .window was smashed and the car was hit with a lot of rocks. About 12:30 the crowd began to move south on Water St. towards the major intersection_injtown,'Main and Water. The two big banks in Kent have their main offices there, and it is the focus of Kent's campus- oriented retail district. The plate glass in the First Federal Savings rand Loan was shattered, and the trashing was on. One bank window was ', done in with a manure Spreader pulled from the window of a hardware (store. Many_of the downtown shops were hit, and a little looting took â€˜place. The police reâ€"appeared and began to push people east on Main St. towards the campus.'when the perimeter of the campus was reached the students took up a position on the campus and the police lined the street in a standoff. The confrontation came to a close when a https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/4730b95bc727c4171e55d772f370426a.tif 1b703f69f4111f337d8ee2156ea30cf5 PDF Text Text powerline repairman was left dangling in the air after a drunk driver hit a pole and knocked the ladder down. The ensuing rescue operationâ€˜ became the focus of attention. and the tension drained out of the situation. Later reports would list the damage for the night at $50,000. On the morning of May 2 I left Kent. along with Marilyn and our friend Bill Whitaker. to attend a radical conference in Buffalo. New York. We didn't return to Kent until sunday afternqoon. and so missed the burning of the ROTC building saturday night. There had been a rally on the Commons saturday night. with a march around the campus to draw .people out of the dorms. When the marchers returned to the Commons they came hover the crest of Blanket Hill, at the east end of the Oommons, and swept down it and across to the ROTC building. This was an old wooden barracks-type structure where most of the_equipment and uniforms for ROTC were kept, and there were some offices inside. It was ugly and had long been the butt of antiâ€"ROTC activities. Several thouSand people gathered around it on saturday night, and after several attempts by various individuals a good blaze was started inside. Kent firemen came to tryto put it out, but were driven off by rocks and people attacking them. By the time they returned with police protection the . fire was too far along to be stopped. Even so, firehoses were cut and the crowd did everything possible to see to it that the flames did their job. The burning of ROTC was a festival. a serious and real action by â€young people to hurt the war machine. It was a concrete action of support for the Vietnames e and of opposition to the American war effort. I'm sorry to have mi seed being a part of it. d When I returned to Kent on Sunday afternoon, May 3, I went up to campus to look at the ruins of the ROTC building, and to see the National 8 . https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/a74fc848b1fa52d055905439b3f51da9.tif 21e803e1c0bae29ab470e440d6aa5cd2 PDF Text Text Guard. They had arrived just at the end of the ROTC burning on saturday night, and by sunday afternoon they had established themselves as a real occupation force. They were everywhere. There were armored personnel carriers at Summit and Lincoln, there was a large encampment of tï¬‚atsv .and trucks on the football field. Soldiers were stationed all around the ROTC ashes, and were patrolling the whole campus. It was very eerie. A lot of kids were going up to the troops and chatting with them, and there was the ironic incident of Allison Krause putting a flower in one soldierâ€˜s gun barrel. I didn't feel like fraternizing. It looked pretty scary to me. Sunday night I stayed in my apartment most of the time. There was a curfew in town, and at the corner of the campus there was a sit-in in the street. A large crowd of students asked to speak with the mayor ~and were told he would be along in'a few minutes. Then they were.sprayed with tear gas and driven back onto the campus. The national Guard pursued people on campus, and in a few instances bayonets were used on people. I went out for a brief reconnaisanee tour, and obServed heli- copters with searchlights flying over the campus. Sunday afternoon had also seen the visit to Kent of James Rhodes,. then Governor of Ohio.â€˜ He had a primary election coming up and was trying to make pbints by being tough with students. He called the demonstraters at Kent "worse than Brownshirts" and strongly implied that violence would be used to stop any further demonstrations. V Thus by sunday night Kent was in a real state of siege. There had been three days of disorders, the downtown business district had been trashed and the ROTC building on campus had been burned to the ground. The National Guard had occupied the campus and the downtown area,and ? https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/cf4d84df280115fe9e0beaa91de30579.tif f32e7aa62fcc43f55d979c950f1f1d6e PDF Text Text the Governor had made clear his total hostility to the protests. This awas, in my opinion, a true revolutionary moment. People were living very much in the present, and were acting out their feelings of outrage with the War, and with their more or less total alienation from American society. Latesunday night I reciened a call from Mike Alewitz, an organizer for the Student Mobilization Committee at Kent. He was concerned about the rally scheduled for noon monday. There was supposedly a ban on assemblies, though later this was denied by some officials.v I said I felt the rally should go ahead, that probably it would anyway no matter what we said, and that I intended to be there. Mike said there should be a meeting at the Student Union at 10:00 AM to talk about it. I agreed. At his point in time there was an unusual situation that I had to deal with. A good many former sds people had been active in the events of the previous three days. I had been involved friday night, but had been out of town saturday and sunday morning. Many of the comrades felt that they had already been pretty exposed, and were laying low for awhile. Some had already left town, following the ROTC burning. 'Thus there was something of a leadership vacuum.'With the rally coming up on monday morning it became increasingly clear to me that I would have to try to keep some kind of political sense going or things could get completely out of hand. There was asense of apprehension among the more political students that things were already wild beyond control. . At the meeting in the Student Union on the morning of monday, May h, the question of moving the demonStraions into a student strike was _ foremost in my mind. There had been a call issued by Tom Hayden at Rutgers on sunday, and I said I thought this would provide a focus for â€™0â€˜ https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/66016317bb6a0454706656b49a737a27.tif b6be7e9f75ef6d33bb5d2ba746a5d701 PDF Text Text energy and would allow us to move into an organizing situation. There were some peeple who felt we should issue a statement calling off the rally, but the general sentiment was.to try to move into a strike. I indicated I would attempt to call for one. We would continue the demands for and end to the War, and a statement from KSU opposing the War, and we would demand an end to the occupation of Kent by the National Guard. After the meeting Marilyn and I wandered around the campus for a while, waiting for the rally. About 11:30 we headed over to the Victory Bell, which was the focus point for rallies on the Commons. A group of political people were already gathering. It soon became apparent that this was going to be the biggest rally ever at Kent. By quarter to 12 several thousand people had gathered on or around the Commons. We began to ring the Vietory Bell to signal that the rally was going to begin soon.â€™ Across the Commons from us were the ruins of the ROTC building, and the Ohio National Guard. I felt that things ,were pretty much moving on their own. We had no sound system or loudÂ» Speaker, and there were so many people I knew only a small proportion would be able to hear anything I said. Nonetheless. about three minutes to noon I climbed up on the B ell housing and tried to do a short rap. .I said that there had been a call for a national student Strike, and that in view of the invasion of Cambodia and the occupation of the Kent -State campus, I felt we should support the call and go on strike, and . what did people think of that? A few hundred people right around theâ€˜ Bell could hear enough to know I was calling for a strike, and began fto chant "Strike strike, strike..." , but by and large I don t think â€˜ most folks even knew anyone was talking.; At the same time I was trying to keep some kind of political coherence to events, a jeep pulled out_from the National Guard lines iL https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/c174ec5e969799027190122859937071.tif e93f7a1cbdac01236b8ca57f44ddba1c PDF Text Text .and drove over to within about 50 yards of the crowd. A soldier tried to order everyone to diSpersg but he was pelted with rocks and drove away fast. There was a moment of stillness, then the Guard began to move. Thefirst volley to gas sounded like a string of big firecrackers going off. The canisters hit right along the front edge of the crowd. Most folks started to move back, slowly, up the hill and towards Taylor -Hall. A few of us stayed at the bottom of the hill and started throwing tear gas canisters back at the soldiers. They all had masks on, but it seemed like a good idea anyhow. One canister hit right at my feet, and I got a pretty good dose. I had been gassed before, in Washington and Kent, but this was a direct hit and it laid me out for a minute. A friend helped me get up the hill. A good breeze was blowing and in# few moments I was feeling fine and ready to get back. By this time the soldiers were coming up Blanket Hill and most of the crowd had gone around Taylor Hall and into the parking lot beyond. Some of the troops followed on the north side of Taylor, but quite a ' few went up over the rise on the south side, past a concrete structure called the Pagoda, and headed down to the football practice field. I headed around the parking lot and over to the corner of the practi ce field. The bulk of the crowd sort of drifted into the area between Dunbar and Prentice Halls and the big Tri-Towers dorm complex. Several, hun dred, perhaps a thousand people, were still in the parking lot. A few of us headed down along the fence that bordered the practice field. on the east. . _ ï¬‚,- ~ The Guardsmen came out onto the field and stopped. They milled around for awhile like they didn't know what to do. A few of us_along the fence began running up and throwing rocks over the fence. Some people along the edge of the parking lat were also throwing rocks. No 11â€". https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/eb06510efa060c0e54bafe6eb1eba08f.tif 3681af92d62c6fa5f8154cc84280eaa3 PDF Text Text one that I saw ever hit the Guard. The soldiers occaisionaly threw a stone back at the crowd. At one point three of them pointed their guns and me and a friend. Another time we saw several of them drop to one knee and aim over at the people in the parking lot." At one point a soldier who didn't have a rifle, I assume he was some kind of officer, talked to a few of the others standing around in clusters. Then they began to' reform into a line. At this point the Guardsmen on the field started to walk back Itowards the Pagoda.â€˜ People did not run right after them, but began to follow at perhaps a hundred yards. I slipped through a gap in the fence and ran across the practice field to catch up. There were only a few of us running across the field, and a few more people were between me and the Guard. On my right there was the bulk of the crowd, with a few people at the front waving flags and shouting. There is a blacktOp service road that runs along the western edge of the fostball practice field, and I was about thirty feet from it when I saw the soldiers turn.â€™ I have read that the shooting at Kent lasted only 13 seconds. For me there is no way to compress all that happened next into l3 seconds. I was running pretty-fast across the field. I was watching the line of s soldiers nearing the crest of the rise. When they got to the top, by ivthe Pagoda, the line stopped. I saw the soldiers turn around and face â€˜towards the parking lot. Some of them dropped to one knee, others_ raised their rifles where they stood. There was no sniper shot. There was not a single shot followed by a volley. They simply turned and took up firing positions, one man with a pistol brought his arm down, and they opened fire. V - TV I When the shooting started it was hard to believe they were using live bullets. But I saw the dirt kicking up in front of me, and I saw 3%" MwWWtrsï¬ï¬nm w; . m wit 3:31: '3â€˜â€ â€œ41 a5m4'31â€œâ€˜3Â¢2<5m$>Â£= . â€MR-ï¬‚int w 1.1Mâ€œ; 'jig" :- .1941 W -â€˜ kâ€ .n "~Nâ€˜fâ€˜ï¬i" 57:Â»; .343; w: swapsâ€ 32:. : 147â€˜Â» v." 1%? Â£5: swam a. New ' in es:- ir-nl V â€œ5.71:," 15.15:â€ $5.33â€œ I. fewer" https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/097f8f721e124c7e11f5015d59fe7523.tif bc454c2bd775c781573328aef0e9ff3d PDF Text Text a kid off to my right Spin around and drop. It was Jeff Miller. I threw myself down in the dirt and tried to sink into the ground. When the shooting stopped there was a moment of total shock and silence, and you could hear the soldiers just walking off down the hill, their equipâ€" ment rattling like a TV wagon train. Then people began to scream. Whenever we went into demonstrations in those days, Marilyn and I' had a policy of Splitting up. The idea was that if something happened to one of the us the other one wouldn't freak out and get busted too. So we had Split up that day when the action began, and now I went to: look for Marilyn.. The last-time I had seen here she had been in the parking lot, and I knew that was where the firing had been focused. I found a friend who helped me look, and before long we found her. We wereâ€˜ pretty glad to see each other. In fact, Marilyn fainted. It was just about then that the first ambulance arrived. About five minutes had passed since the shootings, and though ambulances were present at the National Guard lines down on the Commons, they were not allowed to come up to where the wounded were for the first few minutes. One of the i medics tried to help Marilyn, but I was so freaked out I chased him away.v She was back on her feet in a minute, and with several friends we got in a Karmann Ghia and drove off Campus. In the immediate aftermath of the shootings no one knew just what 7 to expect next. It seemed that the revolution, or something like it. was V on, and that things were likely to get pretty rough real soon. I figuredâ€˜ that the cops would be after me for making the speech on the Bell and I had K no intention of getting arrested. There were a million rumors ; flying about snipers and killed or wounded soldiers. Telephone li nes were dead throughout Kent, and the TV and radio didnâ€˜ t know what was ,1 L! 'letgmstï¬ 5 .â€˜. v - , ,1 .3 a was?â€œ â€" 'v < an"! v' ..:-.â€˜1.-". .2â€œ â€œH's. fvï¬fâ€™k 1â€˜- .iw eP-â€˜anï¬â€˜iÃ©'xekbï¬t 413M 1 :55 .3 Q3 1 â€˜ï¬gglgs '1: .4 .2: .- Â«,1 Elf-3.35Â» ": I. â€˜1â€˜.Â» https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/ed853bb7b88484f9de28c5dd22df629c.tif 519ec745152c3ae89b1d88cc8736d0bb PDF Text Text going on. Another fellowand I headed across town on foot to the house where two political teachers lived. They had not been on campus, but had heard about the shooting. My friend and I got our hair cut off and talked about how to get out of town. The feeling among all four of us was that we had better be ready to go underground for a fairly long, time. I headed bï¬‚k.back to the apartment, where Marilyn had gotten things ready for us to Split. We looked up and got in our car and drove out of Kent by a back road. We headed for the west side of Cleveland, where Marilyn's mother was living, and planned to hide out there for the short run. By the evening of May a we began to have a solid idea of what the score actually was. Four students were dead. I knew one of them, Sandy Scheur. She was from the same town as my freshman roomate and I had known her for about three years. Nine were wounded. The police were rounding up people found on the streets. and the town was virtually under martial law. Houses the police suspected of being radical hideouts were raided.. The attitude of the townspeople Was that not enough kids 3 had been killed. This attitude became a real feature of the town, and â€˜ ,persists in some ways even now. A real reign 0Â£ terror began in Kent.x Over the next few days I stayed in Berea, talking With some friends who lived there about the Kent killings and trying to decide what to do. 'It became apparent that I was not going to be tracked down and picked up, ~at least not right away.â€˜ We decided to do a little traveling to speead the word about what had gone down, and about a week after the shootings Marilyn and I headed for New York. We stayed with some friends in - Manhattan and I did a rap at City College at a rally of about 5,000 people._ The FBI began to harass us there. so we Split for New Haven. :5 r ,1 ~. â€˜5, ,3: t .. fag ._ â€3â€œ"? 5': gra :1 :__~< i ,. .2152] v.â€œ 14.4; ï¬‚?â€ _1 A .â€˜ _~Â« wr â€œ.de as ~â€"'_gk,,Â§ 5" 1..., ._ a, â€˜ ~â€˜u_n_â€˜g_.3~:. .1: â€:1...â€œ a? . itâ€œ, Rummy,â€œ â€œ~55 _ â€˜47 13.5; x": 1 . a 4â€˜. .1. - w 9.4.1.1: a 3;, 5â€œ , u.;,_ i 3â€˜.â€˜ 4,, nâ€"fÃ©giï¬Â»grit-c.2135;1:95â€œ? 3.â€œ my: 3.1.! , f~ 13, #. mgâ€: g! : puniv'asmg wafer: Â«ï¬at-11.14:Â» ;'&r_ em, I. =" xx win-f , 3:51 .. ,1 g 2-14,- ;': 7/ e , â€œ392 .::,.3â€˜. n' . a?â€œ Itâ€œ s - ' N â€a was. , . â€œa . V t J. Â«r - . heâ€ â€œâ€˜51:? 3-171 glen-1.1 pr â€˜ 1 Weak n3 3 . https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/a06e8e4716e0c1edaa0449f052cfbb8a.tif 01702609464658d0a3eea4345d92fa24 PDF Text Text Even before we arrived the FBI had contacted the people we were godng to stay with, friends of Marilynâ€˜s family. We decided not to talk to the FBI there and Split back to Ohio the next morning. When we got back I contacted Ben Scheer, a lawyer who had worked with sds after the Music and Speech bust in April 1969â€ He said not to talk to the FBI, so I told them not to bother me any more. They stopped asking questions, but continued to harass us and keep us under surveillance. At the end of May Marilyn and I moved to Buffalo. We moved in with some people from Kent sds who were working in a community organizing project in Buffalo. I was going to do some powerâ€"structure work and Marilyn was going to help set up a day-care center. The man we moved in with was the last of the sds people from the Music and Speech bust to face. a probation hearing. In the deal which had been made in 1969 it was lagreed most folks would get off with a fine but some of the "leaders" would serve short terms or take probation. Jim was supposed to get probation. But when he and I travelled back to Kent in late June 1970. he was told he wasn't getting probation but was sentenced to seven years in prison. The reason was clear, the judge was out to make an example and get some revenge against radicals, even ones who had had nothing 3 -to do with the May days. â€˜ I Outside the courtroom Ben Scheer told me I'd better get out of sight and out of state because the prosecutors were planning to aSk for indictments and I was a prime target. He said the county was angry and serious and if they knew I was in the Courthouse they'd probably bust me right there. 'So I got out of Kent again. Ben also said the only hope for getting Jim out of jail was if Marilyn and I left Buffalo. 80 we did. 16; https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/25408f9665e8b13087b1a80d979ce597.tif b487f9256c66e5d99fcef3a30858300a PDF Text Text We traveled to upstate New York, where Marilyn's family has a summer home in the Thousand Islands. We learned the FBI had been snooping around and had asked one of the neighbors to "keep an eye"' on us. We were almost out of money, and didn't really have anywhere to go. We thought we would go to New Haven and try to stay with friends there, On the morning we were going to leave the people we had been staying with said they had an idea. They knew a man who ran a camp I in New Hampshire that was devoted to "Christian-Marxist dialogueâ€, andâ€˜ they thought he would be willing to help us. They telephoned him, and he said_to come on up to the camp. We drove across New York and down through Vermont and into New Hampshire. We arrived at night and were recieved very warmly. By the next morning arrangements an had been made for us to stay and work. It was a secure shelter at last. The camp was called World Fellowship. The man we had been taken in by was Willard Uphaus. He had been in trouble with the government during the McCarthy era for Speaking out â€˜ against the Korean War and for working for world peace through east-â€˜ west reconciliation. In 1960 he had spent a year in prison. when we met' him he was 80 years Old. â€˜ _ I World Fellowship was a real turning point. Up to there we had been running.and hiding. I had been pretty well shaken by the Kent events, and I was still scared. I was afraid of_being arrested and going to I'jail. At World Fellowship we were among friends and that felt good. Then one night, soon after we arrived, we sat down to dinner with Carl Braden, of the Southern Conference Eduï¬ation Fund (SCEF) a group that. works among poor whites in the south. He talked with us about Kent, and really gave us a hard time about being afraid. He said the only r47 3.; tritwrweweï¬wwae ;. H ' a â€˜ at j :2 â€˜3. in"? lâ€˜.â€˜. â€˜6â€˜ v A aeaihe r. ,::.'Â»:;k:Ã©'yÂ»â€˜~â€˜ . .~. 1' .;Â« -, . Â«:2: 49.9 < -â€˜ pmâ€œ: .2. a: .1 A raw... â€˜2- 4 ..=., v n ..r < . vâ€˜~_Â«lâ€˜~â€˜ r... .. .. "v um H 5.3 so: a e. a; - . .-:~.<_ - ,w â€˜3 iv a.Â» Â«ï¬‚ats-nasm gm. , . . â€˜ =~z-,-.:e:.;" â€˜ ."77â€˜11 .. : â€˜ .~ 5 was . ,.._ , â€œâ€˜ "1â€˜ .f. w'L um: t, â€˜11?; â€˜M ' has ~ 34:59:: â€˜Cfe ï¬g {AT Aâ€˜iï¬zei; â€˜ a â€˜ 1r. 4:- w is *ijvinmsm https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/e6ac9596f0ebb7dae6ba5e91bc43c0ef.tif 77f9ef80ba3008c4a210a91329d76038 PDF Text Text thing we were doing by running was setting other people up for the same kind of repression. He said we should go back and fight, and that if people were hf together they could win in the end. It made us think about the whole time since May h, and of all the anger we felt. We decided to return to Kent when the camp closed at the end of the summer. I have never seen Carl Braden since then, but I thank him for some of the most important advice and support I ever got. The rest of the summer passed quietly. We would read the paper and see about the preparations for a Grand Jury and from time to time I would get word from Ohio of how things were developing. At the end of August we packed up the Volkswagen again.and headed back to Kent. Throughout the summer-of 1970 the State of Ohio had been preparing its legal response to the events of May 1-D at Kent. There were major investigations conducted by the FBI and the "Scranton" Commision on â€™Campus Violence, as well as studies at Kent by various academic departments and committees, but the State chose to proceed with a Special Grand Jury and to disregard, for the most part, these other investigations.- - On Septembed lï¬‚fthe special Grand Jury was impaneled in Ravenna,.the county seat, and began'hearing testimony. A.number of irregularities 'surrounded this Grand Jury, such as the former business relationship ' between the foreman and the presiding judge, and the meetings between the judge, prosecutors, and- foreman at a local country club outside the normal context of_Grand Jusy proceedings. (In the second week oinCtober word came out that the Grand Jury- would be issuing indictmen.ts within a few days. I joined with several other "old- timers" at Kent in trying to get a defense fund together, I had been werking in_a group called the Kent Liberation Front, which was basically Marilyn and I plus two or three friends and a $25 mimeograph https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/56e6200328d7501970fdfcb41aaece39.tif 78f7d336ce6b106d9697125f26c31c7a PDF Text Text machine we had picked up in Akron. At the same time some of the YIPPIESÂ» were getting together a "PeOple's Defense Eund". There were a series of.Mass Meetings"and leaflets discussing what to do if you were indicted or arrested. On October 15 the Grand Jury issued 25 indictments and a "Report". This action became the focus of politics at Kent for more than a year after that. The indictments ranged from riot to destruction of property and covered the entire period from May 1 through.h;1970. I was indicted _ for riot on May a. The other 2% indictees were drawn from a-virtualâ€˜ cross-section of the riot population, and included a sociology professor, several local drug dealers, some high school kids who just dropped by for the action, and a few radicals from sds and other campus political groups. I If the indictments were not enough of an attempt to furhher crushÂ» the movement at Kent, the Grand Jury also issued its Report, which consisted of a series of "conclusions" about the events of May and the flat statement that the students must bear complete responsibilty for the deaths of their comrades; â€˜ In the wake of the indiCtments and the Report, the various groups hworking for legal defense Consolidated and formed the Kent Legal Defense Fund.: This group became the core of a many sided counter attack in state and federal courts, lasting 1% months. Mogâ€˜tf the xggzz legal action revolved around the fact th t any Capacity for'"fair trials" had been destro yed by the Grand Juryfs Report. At the same time those of p the defendants who were politically involved in the defense worked to make the point that no fair trial would have been possible anyway, and to use the indictments as a further ï¬‚eas means of carrying on education about 5 l, 7 fuelled immiï¬zï¬ï¬‚â€˜ *Â» aÂ» *1.Â» s.â€œ :1â€œ: ,3â€œ, asÂ» ï¬ï¬â€˜is;;".â€˜~aÂ¢f-fiÂ§5Â§:Â«..vmâ€˜Wmaâ€˜qâ€˜dr â€œ:ngm'e-g'grg; :34: a e es w â€˜3â€˜â€œ; Â£3.59! 1: â€œIf 5:3â€œ 5:1": .3: gfzï¬â€˜iï¬iï¬â€™wflï¬dÃ©ï¬ A. W? '33 we râ€˜e ;:~.:~ - ; L 53:5 â€œ37$ "2' PWâ€œ " â€˜1; x https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/0cd52d1c1ae1855552718ccd306c09e0.tif bf3dd1de0771b4a789f686dbf555193b PDF Text Text the war and revolution and such. There was a long period between the issuance of the indictments _and the beginning-of trials. ï¬‚ For me this was a very diffmcult period. I was working for the Defense Fund and also roofing in Akron. There was not exactly an overwhelming surge of support for the "Kent 25â€ even at Kent. This was not hard to understand, given the repression of sds. the killings in 1970. and the passage of anti-student legislation in the Ohio Legislature. The atmOSphere on campus was very uptight. In the past there would be a core of activist students and then a large buffer of students who would go to rallies and demonstrations but were _ not â€organizers", and then a large block of apathetic or hostile students. In the fall fo 1970 there was still a core of activists, but there was no longer a large su pportive group. Tho e of us working politically were doing so pretty much on our own and in a pretty exposed position. I Spent a good part of the next year travelling around the country doing fund raising_for the Fund. I also hung out around the Federal Courthouse in Cleveland and saw a goodpeal of the County Courthouse inâ€™Ravenna. ,. (Lo. https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/27591ba035e8d74861299c9c1db57827.tif 481e7e82b73d0b374652348953d6991c PDF Text Text . w- 745â€˜ WIFNâ€˜M HWâ€˜Mâ€™Z; â€™ â€WW I 1 '1â€˜. â€˜ ,1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Accounts of the Events of May 1970 Description Accounts of the events of May 1970, by Kenneth J. Hammond, dated 1970 and 1974. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. KSU Shootings Extent The size or extent of the item (number of pages, for example). 34 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the original item. archive (mixed materials) Institution Change the data in this field only if applicable. Kent State University Repository Special Collections and Archives Finding aid title Finding Aid for the Kenneth J. Hammond papers Finding aid URL http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/kenneth-j-hammond-papers Permissions Public dc.rights Change the data in this field only if applicable. This digital object is owned by Kent State University and may be protected by U.S. Copyright law (Title 17, USC). Please include proper citation and credit for use of this item. Use in publications or productions is prohibited without written permission from Kent State University. Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1970 1974 DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Kenneth J. Hammond papers Subcollection Location Box 23 May 4 Author Hammond, Kenneth J. dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Eyewitness accounts Demonstrations SDS (Students for a Democratic Society) Kent State University. Black United Students Kent State University. Students Maps, Diagrams, Drawings Student strikes May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. May 4 Collection https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/db6e9552bf2e6e1800add6dd1f5b583d.tif 300746f8860a9da9ead4774650ecd4a1 PDF Text Text jÂ§%Â£; Ã©Ã©Ã©nnvwwï¬af FAu. )9 70 I A Political Analysis of May lÂ»4 l97O at Kent State On May 4 1970, at 12: 35 PM, members of the Ohio National Guard on the campus of Kent State University fired their Mâ€"l rifles into a group of demonstrators, killing four people and wounding nine others. This â€event" took place in a definite political context, both locally and nationally. It is the purpose of this analysis to establish and describe that context. I The immediate spark which precipitated the struggle on May 1 was the speech given on national television on Thursday night, April 30, by Pr esident'Nixon. In this speech he ah1nounced the commitment of U S. round combat troops to battle in Cambodia. Though claiming that this .ttron did not escalate the conflict inISoutheast Asia, it clearly repâ€" resented to the people at Kent State that the Indochina war was not to be phased out, as they had been led to believe. On the same night, April â€˜ e first slogans were spray-painted on walls around Kent, calling for the "U S. OUT OF CAMBODIA". I The rally called on May 1 by an adThoc committee of history professors and students was the first organized outburst against the Cambodian 1n~ vasion. Several speakers condemned the Indochina war, and called the conduct of the President in expanding the war unconstitutional. To protest this the Constitution was symbolicallyiburied. The rally reâ€"raised political issues and demands which hadfbeen struggled around under th 19 adership of SDS at Kent in 1968 and 1969. It called for the ROTC r â€" gram to be abolished, for defense-funded research to be eliminated, and urced support for Bobby Seale and the freeing of all political prisoners. This rally, on Friday May 1, ealled for another assembly on Monday, May 4, for the express purpose of giving the Administration an opportunity to respond to the demands,Â§and for the purpose of deter~ mining what type of political responseIShould follow. On Friday night, May 1, over 1,000 people in a two block area of North Water Street, spilled over from the sidewalks and into the streets. They danced, sang, pitched pennies at the curb, and carried on a sponâ€" taneous "festival of life.â€ At about 1: 45 AM Kent City Police and Portage County Sheriffs Deputies began to attack this crowd with tear gas. â€˜ The people became frightened, and angered. As they were pushed through the streets they smashed windows in businesses along the wayb iiiï¬ï¬ï¬3 Th2.7â€œ*tfrrax1a:Â£Â§uwÂ«.czrxrfzjhxy'â€œSSSâ€œTT". By 2:30 or so things had quieted down, with perhaps 54 windows haVing been broken, and one incident of minor looting. , I On Saturday May 2 about 2, 500 young people took direct action on one of the demands raised against the war. IThey burned the ROTC building to the ground. This action really requires very little interpretation. The ROTC building presented a clear physical target, and stood as an out rage to the people. To attack it was a material assault on the capâ€" acity of the U. S. military to continue its genocide in Indochina. It was virtually inevitable that ROTC wouldIburn. II II III III 6) â€™O O https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/90966bc2c45f3a62ae60bf4d6f73de3d.tif 57cb51d3f79f22331bdbc98e25c8fea2 PDF Text Text It was as the fire at the ROTC building was finishing its job that the Ohio National Guard arrived on campds. They had been alerted by the town mayor the night before, and had bee'n called in now by the Campus Police. On Saturday night the people, having already dealt with ROTC, allowed themselves to be dispersed. During most the nÃ©xt day people on campus milled around and looked at the ROTC ashes. On Sunday evening, howeve er, about 1, 500 people attempted to march downtown in protest of the CUILGW which had been imposed on the town. This march was immediately bottled up at the main intersection just north of campus. The crowd was surrounded by Guardsmen with fixed bayonets. There were some negotiations about li Eting the curfew, but the ultimate resolution of the crisis came_ when tear gas was fired into the crowd and they were pushed back towards. campus at bayonet point lwo PER-Jaw Miâ€œ?- â€œÂ°"â€˜Â°CÂ° 5â€˜ PAVONIEV'S'. These events formed the immediate politcal context in which the rally on May 4 took place. The critical thing to understand about the Men ay action s at Kent is that the noon rally was a legal gathering for spe Cci 'fi c, peaceful political purposes. This is clear from the fact that the Special State Grand Jury Report issued October 16, 1970, declared that, â€At no time during the period from May lst through 4th was martial law declared. It is also demonstrated in_the testimony of Robert Balyeat,t Special Pl osecutor for the Grand Jury, when he appeared in Federal Cour in Cleveland in Nbvember 1970. He called the rally legal, under oath.- So what really took place on May 4jwas not the media tale of a riot being broken up by the duly constitutedfauthorities. It was, rather, a peaceful assembly, thoroughly legal under the first amendment to the Constitution, which was physically and violently attacked by armed troops. When the people were attacked in the exercise of their Constitutionally guaranteed rights, they resisted. This was their only possible course. In the light of people resisting an attack on their rights and their persons, their lives, the acts of throwing back tear gas grenades, and of throwing rocks at the troops, cannot be seen as violent crimes but must be viewed as selfâ€"defense. In 1770 in Boston, subjects of the English' Crown threw snowballs with rocks in them at British soldiers on the Boston Common. When the Redcoats fired; into the crowd and killed four colonists, it was called the Boston Massacre, and the American Revoluti had come one step closer. The massacre 'at Kent was just that, and it is for the future to tell if it has brought;the Second American Revolution an;:nearer to fruition. ' v X ,.â€" .__._.-_.- _._...- l https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/66260b1c0c49d398f03835990ea4baa2.tif 06d9eeb3edd25d0f16301f7eb69cbb77 PDF Text Text II.: Beyond the immediate background of Kent, two other factors must be taken into account in determining the causes of'last May's struggle. The first of these is the situation around Ohio during the month of April 19/0. The other is the political history of Kent, from 1967 to 1970, which includes something of a general history of the movement in microcosm. 3 Early in April 1970 the black students at Ohio State University in Colombus raised several demands on that school 5 administration, primarâ€"' ily concernied With black cultural issues. The situation there developed rapidly into a strike, and the Ohio Natronal Guard was called onto the campus. This triggered several days of rather heavy streetâ€" fighting. In the course of this at least two young people were injured by shotgun fire. There were a number of instances of vehicles being burned, and _ extensive trashing of windows. Showdowns between Guardsmen with bayonets and kids in the streets took place often. This was all watched closely at Kent, where most people have at least some friends at Ohio State. While the Ohio State action was going on, the Teamsters in Ohio went out on a wildcat strike. Teamsters were taking direct action against scabs, and the Ohio National Guard was called out against them too. Both of these situations, at Ohio State and with the Teamsters, were on news broadcasts and in the papers extensively at the end of April. An atmosphere of militancy was developing, but without3a major focus at Kent. The invasion of Cambodia provided that focusi III. {2% On May 1, when the initial rally took place on the Commons, the people assembled already had a fair idea of what was going on in terms of Southeast- Asia and the U. S. Government. They understood to a considâ€" erable degree the role the Kent State was playing in the War, and formulated demands to deal with this involvement. This consciousness, like the actions, did not simply spring up out of the ground. It had a specific background in the history of the Left at Kent, especially sinCe 1967. i I - _ In 1967 a group called the Kent Committee to End the War in Vietnam, KCEWV, began to carry out education against American involvement in the War. This organization formed the groundwork on which, in May 1968, SDS began to build. The continued escalation of the War, the Columbia University struggle, and the May movement in France all combined to increase the potential for organizing.|The Democratic National Convenâ€" tion in August 1968 in Chicago provided the last major input needed to bring American kids in general to the threshhold of the radical left. In the fall of 1968 at Kent SDS developed from a cadre of eight or so into a mass organization with well over 200 regularly attending meetings. The first SDS action at Kent,:against the Oakland Police Recruiters in October, involved nearly 360 white students and 250 blacks L .. .- ...,-,.._,,. .. _..- .1 w w... ,.â€".wÂ« -..â€".~- https://omeka.library.kent.edu/special-collections/files/original/13ab878fc971e094841c0978ea9a3a76.tif f4b4dc79f2e84a83fed142a076829a16 PDF Text Text â€˜Education around the Nevember elections} and an aggressive program of mass meetings and "dorm raps" combin d to yield major results for. SDS's organizing. This continued through most of the year, but in early 1969 inLernal political differences, which in fact foreshadowed the Weatherman/RYMII split nationally, began to divide the chapter. Ultimately SDS at Kent was destroyed in April 1969. After an initial bust of eight "leaders" in a trumped up assault case, 59 people were trapped in the Music and Speech building when they tried to "open upâ€œ the suspension hearings of one of the eight. The trespass and 0 her charge. which resulted from this bust succeeded in isolating SDS and getting its charter on campus revoked. The chapter then split internally over how to deal with repression, and never recovered. The elimination of SDS at Kent wasï¬part of a national campaign against the left. This included not only the smashing of organizations through mass intimidation, but also theï¬infiltration of groups, and the use of agents provacateurs. At Kentgit was especially effective. The school year 1969â€" 70 was markednby an absence of political ctivity on Kent' 5 campus. A few small or1ganizations attempted to raise fthe issues of ROTC and war research, which had formed the core of SDS' 5 educational work, and the SMC attemptedï¬‚to form a singleâ€"issue mass movement. Neither met with much response. The reasons for this at first appeared to be based in the political content of these groups. Yet the actions of May 1970 centered on just these issues. SDS had gone over the nature and function of imperialism hundreds of times, at virtually every 0 oportunity. While the organization was eliminated and people were frightened into remaining silent and concerning themselves with their own heads, the analysis of AmeriCan institu ions and their roles in support of the War remained.- â€˜i' i | i x ~May 1970 marked a highpoint in the movement against American involvement in Indochina. The initial outburst following the Cambodian 1nvasion was both spontaneous and widespread. Following the massacre at I<ent the national strike took on massive proportions. The Government has unleashed a campaign of repressiongagainst the left. Kent has .â€œ been a major focus in this as well. Ã©ii â€ The growing attack on the left may well be linked to the preparation of new attacks on the peoples of Indochina. The efforts of the Nixon administration to extricate itself from Vietnam have net gone well, and the Pentagon planners are looking forward to more "protective reactionâ€ in the future. If the War isgreâ€"expanded the potential for major national disruption will be great This is a threat which the Administration must deal with if it hopes to survive. The continued use 0:5 provacateurs, and the escalation of court action agaist the ' left, all impairs our capacity to fight against aggression. This is why we must win in the courts, and why: we.must stay in the streets. H? â€™is Ei- m, (a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Kent State Shootings: Digital Archive Description The May 4 Digital Archive contains selected archival materials from the May 4 Collection that have been put into digital format including audio recordings, photographs, artworks, and thousands of documents. Materials will be added on a continuing basis. If you do not find an item you are seeking or have any questions or comments about the digital archive, please contact <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/about">Special Collections and Archives</a>. Publisher Publisher of the original item. Kent State University, Special Collections and Archives. Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Images and other sources used with permission should be properly cited and credited. Credits should include this text: Kent State University Libraries. Special Collections and Archives. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title Political Analysis of May 1-4 1970 at Kent State Date Input format: YYYY-MM-DD; YYYY-MM; or YYYY. If date is unknown, leave blank. 1970 Description Political analysis of the events leading up to May 4th, 1970 written by Kenneth J. Hammond, dated 1970. Subject For an item not part of an Omeka collection or an item part of the Exhibits collection, choose one or more general subject areas that apply to this item. For an item added to any of the other Omeka collections, a default value will be supplied for this field. 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Please contact the <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives">Department of Special Collections and Archives</a> for more information. dc.rights.uri Change the data in this field only if applicable. <a href="http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy">http://www.library.kent.edu/special-collections-and-archives/duplication-policy</a> DPLA Rights Statement <a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/</a> Collection Metadata Subcollection Kenneth J. Hammond papers Subcollection Location Box 23 May 4 Author Hammond, Kenneth J. dc.description Sponsor Information Digital capture of this material was sponsored by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC). May 4 Subject Collection-specific subject(s). Reactions, Responses. Students May 4 Provenance Selection should normally be May 4 Collection. 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